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A recent capacity development program on Anti-Corruption and Good Governance held for 13 East Africans was an eye opener on public discourse, accountable leadership but above all, about ethical leadership. Drawn from the Government and Civil Society, the training conducted by Marquette University’s Les Aspin Center for Government in Washington DC, provided participants with knowledge and skills in preventive, proactive, multi-pronged, institutional support strategies for improving accountability and other good governance practices in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania.

By Dorah Nesoba

The Government is a public trust, yet in many countries, governments are not trusted because their operations are not transparent. At the same time their citizens do not have the necessary information to hold their leaders accountable. A recent capacity development program on Anti-Corruption and Good Governance held for 13 East Africans was an eye opener on public discourse, accountable leadership but above all, about ethical leadership.

Drawn from the Government and Civil Society, the training conducted by Marquette University's Les Aspin Center for Government in Washington DC, provided participants with knowledge and skills in preventive, proactive, multi-pronged, institutional support strategies for improving accountability and other good governance practices in Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania.

Further more, the participants were able to learn and understand how ethics infrastructure functions to improve integrity and accountability systems in both the private and public domains.

Assisted by specialists from specific government, civil society, academic and private sector institutions both in Nairobi, Kenya and later in Washington D.C. and Wisconsin, America, participants discussed the nature of ethics infrastructure and how they ensure effective oversight and implementation of accountability in governance.

The Anti-Corruption and Good Governance course is about analyzing the key elements that make up the American political system in a comparative perspective that includes Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania. Group work, seminar discussions, interactive lectures, strategy and skill building workshops, case studies, hands-on experience, site visits and excursions played an important role in the course, with trainees each day engaging in discussion and debates on questions raised by lectures and readings to provide a deeper understanding of governance processes and accountability.

Topics in this year's session included ethics and public policy, political leadership, ethics and accountability, educational systems, the promotion of integrity and accountability in governance, negotiation and dispute management techniques, interest group politics and corruption management as well as America's party parliamentary system and the unique aspects of each government. Human Rights Advocacy and other techniques for social action, ethnicity, politics and corruption management. Others were how civil society can ensure effective implementation at the local level, how local community oversight systems can strengthen the implementation of the Constituency Development Fund (CDF), international anti-corruption protocols, international financial institutions and corruption management. Strategic planning and management, participatory monitoring and evaluation strategies, public management techniques and corruption control, community advocacy and administrative accountability. Parliamentary oversight as well as project development and implementation.

The class had the pleasure of visiting the American Parliament - the House of Representatives, the Senate, Milwaukee's City Hall and various Monuments in honor of fallen heroes of wars as well as the tombs of great statesmen including the Lincoln Memorial and John Fitzgerald Kennedy's gravesite at Arlington National Cemetery where an eternal flame burns. Trainees were able to learn more about the history of parliamentarism in America, the Constitution and how the House functions on a day-to-day basis. Of particular interest was the relatively consensual manner in which the House operates - from debates in the plenary to the more detailed work of the various standing committees. The six week programme is usually implemented in two phases with an introductory phase in one of the programme countries and being completed at the Les Aspin Center for Government in Washington DC.

In Nairobi the seminar and orientation sessions provided baseline knowledge of country-specific issues on accountability improvement strategies in the democratic and cultural environments. They also learnt how to utilize the training resources and experiences to plan and develop results-based strategies for implementation of accountability procedures.

While in America, the trainees learnt how traditions of accountability function effectively and how leadership and professional responsibility compliance and enforcement standards are implemented. The sessions are conducted by coordinator of Africa Programs Dr. Cephas Lerewonu, Centre Director Rev. Dr. Timothy O'Brien with a helping hand from Mr. Stan Greschner the deputy director and Dr. Christopher Murray. One of the most important lessons from the training is the anti-graft war and monitoring the electoral process as an integrity safeguard in America. We learnt that a vibrant democracy depends on a citizenry that pays heed to the issues and on policy makers who are in touch with constituent concerns.

Monitoring the electoral process is one of the checks-and-balances that protect the viability and honesty of election administration, as well as the participation of political parties, candidates and interest groups.

Monitoring, the trainees learnt, promotes compliance with the legal framework and deters questionable activities. Public declarations of wealth and sources of funding for elective offices increase transparency and help accountability by politicians and civil servants.

In the US, qualified president candidates receive federal government funds to pay for the valid expenses of their political campaigns in both the primary and general elections. National political parties also receive federal money for their national nominating conventions.

The funding limits the disproportionate influence of wealthy individuals and special interest groups on the outcome of federal elections. It also regulates spending in campaigns for federal office and deters abuses by mandating public disclosure of campaign finances.

Corporations, labor organizations, federal government contractors and foreign nationals are prohibited from making contributions or expenditures to influence federal, state and local elections.

The Federal Election Campaign Act also prohibits people from making contributions in another person's name and also bans one from making contributions in cash of more than US$ 100.

Under the Internal Revenue Code, qualified presidential candidates receive money from the Presidential Election Campaign Fund that is an account on the books of the U.S. Treasury. The fund is financed exclusively by a voluntary tax checkoff and is administered by the Federal Election Campaign by determining which candidates are eligible to receive funds.

To be eligible for public funds, a presidential candidate or a party convention committee must first submit a letter of agreement and a written certification in which the candidate or committees agree to spend public funds only for campaign related expenses or for convention related expenses.

They must also agree to limit spending to amounts specified by the campaign finance law; keep records and if requested, supply evidence of qualified expenses; cooperate with an audit of campaign or convention expenses; repay public funds if necessary and pay any civil penalties imposed by the commission. Communication is another tenet of American democracy cited as pivotal to state effectiveness. A Country cannot direct its Citizens without reliable communication and information flows. Countries without these ingredients from the Central Government to the lowest levels of government do not get far because far-flung regions are cut off and left to their own policies such as is the case of North Eastern Province in Kenya.

Overwhelming evidence based on the American experience suggests that for a good and accountable government to be secured countries need free, plural and independent media systems. Additionally, accountable governments will only be secured if public servants acquire the information necessary for the performance of their duties as electors and members of the court of public opinion.

Even the internal workings of the organs of the Government depend on good communication and information flows. The bigger and more complex the Country, the more it needs good communication to keep the system functioning well. At all levels, a government that cannot communicate effectively by listening skillfully and persuading capably will not be strong and effective. This is not about spin or propaganda but about the effective management of public opinion.

Effective communication and information methods determine whether or not a government is responsive to the needs of the governed and is held accountable for its actions. For where there is free flow of information about public affairs and citizens engage in debate and discussion about the leading issues of the day you will have competent citizens who will not tolerate misrule. The proper test of successful communication and information processes lies in how effectively the voice of the people and their ability to hold leaders accountable for promised outcomes are strengthened. In the guise of attempting to go the conventional direction, Kenya has been experimenting with a number of democratic tenets even though not wholeheartedly. Plural politics is allowed since 1991, but parties are denied a level playing field. The ruling party or coalition often has unlimited access to State resources unlike other parties. Public resource development planning is allowed but resource allocation is channeled from the centre and the lower implementing structures i.e. Local Authorities, operate at the whims of the Central Government. Up to only nine percent of the national budget is directly targeted to community development at the local levels.

All these are taking place against a background that does not have a deliberate system of communication, information and education. Government policy documents are in the capital City, are expensive and secretive. Concealment of public information is a harbinger for endless corruption rings.

Private media is allowed but restricted to State sanctions and times harassment. From the foregoing, the role of the media cannot be overemphasized. It is necessary for purposes of consolidating the little democratic gains. Public education and constant information flow become critical and it is only the media that can play this role.

When Kenyans went to the 2002 polls, they voted in the NARC government overwhelmingly on a reform platform. During the reign of NARC Kenyans went to the polls again and they rejected the proposed new constitution which was once again marred by a lot of violence, bribery among other issues. The 2007 general elections however, bring in another new experience to Kenyans where we have coalitions of parties the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), Party of National Unity (PANU) and Orange Democratic Movement-Kenya (ODM-K) which have seemingly dominated the political scenario in the country, but it is likely that the former two will be the key opposing camps in the elections at the end of this year.

The election in the country is no more than political auction. Money, violence and winning go together. With a lot of money in one's hands, the more one monopolizes violence and the more the parties or coalition of parties will retain the current lot of civic leaders and MPs.

In not too distant a past, monitoring pre-poll violence, human rights discourse and practice has been an exclusive domain of urban centered institutions and initiatives. Rural and peri-urban areas have literally been rendered mere consumers of the human rights products as opposed to being practitioners and partners in the ongoing struggle for democracy and social justice. This situation has attracted immense confusion and propaganda and hence impacted adversely on the general concept of democracy and human rights discourse and practice.

Kenya is at a political cross road. It requires a steep, delicate balancing if combinations of lust for wealth, power, violence and failed constitutional reform are reflected against the upcoming 2007 General Elections.

Therefore citizens need to understand what is at stake in the political world. This understanding should include the capacity to discern their own interests in the political arena and identify the best means through which to realize them.

It has often been said that Anti-corruption measures are almost entirely led by specialists who concentrate on fixing institutions. While it is important, this kind of work is not sufficient. In the US, corruption is treated as a civil matter using the balance of probability argument as opposed to looking at it as a criminal offence that demands the proof beyond reasonable doubt (burden of proof). Through this mechanism, many perpetrators of corruption and would be executors have been fined, tried and jailed for the crimes. It also acts as a deterrent to would be offenders.

If this strategy were adopted in our county, then we would not be at a loss for words wondering what can be done to wage a more comprehensive fight against corruption.

Access to information and openness on the part of the government can also be used to promote disclosure, transform attitudes, opinions and behaviors regarding corruption while strengthening intolerance of corruption and stimulating widespread activism to combat it. However, even in America, one of the areas of development which often faces allegations of poor governance and corruption is infrastructure development. In particular, large infrastructure projects have effectively demonstrated the damage that corruption and mistrust can do, and, in other cases, the value of good communication programs. The government should not interfere with the build-up to the General elections to be held later this year. Non-interference will curtail widespread violence and vote-rigging that has been mirrored throughout the country in the past when an incumbent government wants to stay put.

That Kenya is indeed a maturing democracy is not in doubt. The need therefore to protect and enhance the democratic gains realized so far is both imperative and inescapable particularly if the face of our vision of a true multi party democracy is to be realized.

The anti-corruption and good governance training enhanced the participants' capacity and skills in concepts and practices of democracy and governance to appropriately add value to their young democracies.

There were three Tanzanians - Anna Magutu - Magistrtae; Dorothy Kaloli - Project Manager League of women voters, Pastory Nguvu - Journalist, The Guardian Newspaper. Ugandans comprised of Sylvester Oboth - Chief Administrative Officer, Tororo Local Government; Samuel Suuti -Program Coordinator, Link for Community development, Pauline Apolot - Program Manager, Uganda Debt Network; Charles Mubbale - Chief Executive Officer, Transparency International; Lawrence Banyoya - Permanent Secretary, Local Government Finance Commission. Kenya was represented by Mary Kamaara - Education Officer, Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission; Dorah Nesoba - Subeditor, The Link Newspaper; Joseph Maritim - Revenue Officer, Kenya Revenue Authority; Kingwa Kamenchu - Student, University of Nairobi; Christopher Kibett - Head, Human Resource and Administration, National Aids Control Council and Peter Leley - District Commissioner.

After the training participants are expected to develop and implement accountability initiatives that improve their performance, that help improve citizen oversight systems, and also to conduct training sessions for colleagues. They are also expected to assist in developing and establishing integrity units.