South Africa: The cost of living at Glebelands

On Friday night 3 July, three more women fell prey to Glebelands warlord. After threatening letters stating “If you want to die, stay in your room,” were shoved under their doors, they were shot at and forced from their rooms in Blocks 45 and 48. One woman narrowly missed death when bullets whizzed through her window and destroyed a DVD speaker next to which she had been standing. Luckily the police responded in time to save lives but not prevent yet another illegal eviction.

As usual, there have been no arrests and three more victims have been added to the extensive list of Glebelands Hostel’s homeless. While the eThekwini Municipality remains mute about the unlawful evictions, the anticipated police bungling continues. Despite SAPS Spokesperson, Col Jay Naicker’s little blue lies that investigations are ongoing, as of late last night, two of the three women had yet to receive case numbers. They claim they provided statements to the responding officer (Umlazi SAPS W/O Gwala) at the time of the incident, who allegedly assured them he would open a case immediately. However, according to police sources, by Sunday morning 5 July, the incident had still not been logged on the system. Of the threatening letters – all of which were reportedly handed to the police as evidence – there seems to be no trace. Watch this space for the recurring saga of how NOT – at all costs - to catch a killer…

Yet the socioeconomic cost of the hostel violence continues to impact heavily on residents. Results of research recently conducted on 25 violence victims (believed to represent about a quarter of the number of people affected) to establish the real cost of ‘living’ (or dying) at Glebelands, should smack down the state’s pro-poor propaganda and professed commitment to the formerly marginalized and protection of vulnerable women and children.

Of the 25 respondents, 23 had been forcibly evicted and suffered a total of almost R250 000 worth of damage to, or loss of property. Loss of earnings or employment, either caused by eviction, direct intimidation, or general violence, was difficult to estimate as only two of the 25 respondents earned regular monthly salaries. A further eleven were employed in the informal sector or did irregular contract work, while the remaining twelve were jobless. Given the high rate of unemployment, the average monthly income per respondent was a mere R1600 while each person supports around six others – either at Glebelands, or in the rural areas. Some recorded twice that number of dependents. Income from child grants makes up just over 6% of this paltry income.

The combined number of dependents (144) plus the 25 respondents brought the total number of those affected by the ongoing violence to 169 people. Of the estimated R40 400 monthly income currently earned, the hostel bloodletting has left many to eke out a living on approximately R250 per month. As the figures of those displaced or dispossessed are estimated to be around four times the number interviewed, the scale of the resulting poverty and suffering that the state has consistently failed to address, or often, even acknowledge, is unconscionable and should be viewed by all as a humanitarian disaster.

Over a third of respondents also reported having lost important documents during their eviction – identity documents, birth certificates and bank papers.

The physical and psychological damage to victims and their families has been even more profound. All 25 respondents reported high levels of intimidation and death threats. Six had been shot or assaulted and three had lost breadwinners or are now deceased themselves since completing the questionnaires. Of these, 19 reported severe and long lasting depression or trauma after their incident. Two have been permanently disabled affecting their ability to support their families, while nine indicated they were concerned about the psychological welfare of their children – four of whom have apparently failed the last school year due to attacks on their parents.

Disturbingly, there were nine records of police abuse - torture (3), assault (4) or damage to residents’ property (2) - apparently involving members from Metro Police, Umlazi and Durban Central SAPS, and the Tactical Response Team. These are in addition to the five previously recorded police torture cases allegedly involving Umlazi SAPS and Public Order Policing Unit members – one of which resulted in death in custody during police interrogation in March 2014 – a case which appeared to stem from accusations regarding illegal firearms. Almost all current respondents claimed that the police used violence in an attempt to extract information regarding their alleged possession of illicit weapons. A further five of these respondents reported that bogus charges were subsequently laid against them for involvement in serious crimes such as attempted murder, four of which have since been withdrawn, while one is still ongoing. The psychological impact of state torture and betrayal of its constitutional mandate to ‘serve and protect’ all citizens ‘without fear or favour’, has according to the questionnaires, done untold damage to residents’ levels of trust and confidence in state institutions.

It is significant that all respondents indicated some form of association with former block committee structures, while those who appeared to be the most aggressively targeted by both thugs and police, were former block committee members or chairmen.

Glebelands with its neatly constructed family units is one of the very few hostels that the government proudly expounds as proof of its commitment to the eradication of apartheid’s social engineering and exploitation of migrant labour. It is shameful that this same government has permitted – some claim tacitly encouraged or endorsed – the persistent and excessive violence which has left over 30 people dead, directly impoverished nearly 700, and rendered the much vaunted ‘family’ units extremely unsafe for women and children. The state’s utter disregard for Glebelands is likely to resound in next year’s empty ballot box – unless, like everything else at this hostel - campaigning is coordinated down the barrel of a gun and votes cast in lead in the body of the next victim.

* Vanessa Burger is a Community Activist.

* THE VIEWS OF THE ABOVE ARTICLE ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR AND DO NOT NECESSARILY REFLECT THE VIEWS OF THE PAMBAZUKA NEWS EDITORIAL TEAM

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