Not the best of times in Zimbabwe
As the two-year lifespan of Zimbabwe’s coalition government draws close to an end, Japhet M. Zwana finds little cause for optimism about the country’s future.
The Government of National Unity in Zimbabwe is a coalition that was created on 13 February 2009. It was a three-way marriage among Robert Mugabe of the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union- Patriotic Front (Zanu PF), Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and Arthur Mutambara of the breakaway MDC.
The arrangement was an instrument inspired by SADC (Southern African Development Community) to facilitate power sharing mainly between Zanu PF and MDC in the aftermath of the inconclusive national elections of 2008. Although President Mugabe had lost in the exercise, he nevertheless stole the election when his opponent Tsvangirai withdrew due to state-sponsored violence against his supporters. The three pillars of the coalition are: president (Mugabe); prime minister (Tsvangirai) and deputy PM( Mutambara). It is rather unfortunate that the prophetic words of Ghanaian journalist, writer and commentator, Cameron Duodu are becoming a reality. Some months after the new formation, he wrote, ‘Zimbabwe has emerged from the near-civil war of election’s aftermath with an uneasy coalition that looks as if it may not take the country into the next election.’
The immediate tasks at hand for the new outfit were to rescue the battered economy, to stop wanton farm invasions and rampant violence (arrests, killings, abductions and torture). For the president, it was not supposed to be business as usual.
To be sure, according to the memorandum of understanding, the coalition has a two-year lifespan culminating in fresh elections in 2011. All things being equal, the present government should be done with its agenda. But, in fact, the sticking points at the signing of the agreement are still unresolved. The basis of next year’s election should be a new constitution. Zanu PF has deliberately placed so many obstacles on the constitution-making process to the extent that, it is unlikely that the document will be ready on time.
Déjà vu! Now, in spite of the unprepared ground, Mugabe is blowing the whistle for the vote to occur early next year against the popular grain. As he did the last time, he is oiling his violence machinery to ensure ill-gotten victory once again. The city of Masvingo, population 100,000, is located in the south east of the country, about 290km from the capital, Harare. It is close to Great Zimbabwe, the phenomenal national monument after which the country is named. Recently, it was reported that the city’s residents spent a Sunday indoors in utter panic because more than 600 armed soldiers were marching up and down the streets, demanding that people should say out loud that, ‘Mugabe should rule forever and ever.’ They literally brought gridlock to the city when they blocked roads and forced motorists to park on roadsides. Praises to the president filled the air and included, ‘We want our President to stay in power forever; if you provoke our hero, then you must be prepared for war; if you need food, you are advised to secure a Zanu PF membership card; keep away from MDC since, it is a foreign sponsored party.’
Just as it seems that Zimbabwe is approaching retrofitting, the ghost of its tormented present and recent past keeps showing up. This, certainly, is not the best of times for Zimbabwe. The constitution process and hopes for next year’s election will likely be stillborn, considering the recent foreboding statement of the powerful minister of defense, Emmerson Mnangagwa. He told a group of soldiers that, ‘ZANU-PF would not concede power even if it were to lose in the next elections.’
It is not the best of times when the security chiefs (army, airforce, prisons, police, CIO) are known to be vehemently opposed to any transfer of power from Zanu PF to any other political entity, in particular, MDC. They are afraid that if the former labour organisation assumes power, it might justly make them and their ilk pay for political violence and human rights transgressions for more than a decade. That includes the 1980s Gukurahundi army atrocities, when more than 25,000 people in Matebeleland were massacred. Indeed, today is the worst of times in Zimbabwe – for business, the poor, school and college students, teachers, white farmers, parents, the unemployed, the sick, non-Zezuru ethnics, and human rights activists. Pray for Zimbabwe!
BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS
* Dr Japhet M. Zwana is a retired professor and administrator from the New York State University System (SUNY) and Syracuse University.
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