Unchallenged disparities: gender and socio-spiritual disparities during Ramadan
As Muslims globally come to the end of the holy month of Ramadan, Salma Maoulidi explores the continuing spiritual and secular inequalities experienced by Muslim Tanzanian women. Focussing on the gulf between spiritual goals and worldly reality, the absence of an effective redistributive alms system, and the differing realities faced by female and male followers, the author questions the extent to which a symbolic ritual of deprivation and sacrifice has been turned into a calculated wealth generating opportunity.
Millions of Muslims globally are nearing the last stretch of observing the obligatory fast that occurs each year during the ninth months of the Islamic Calendar, Ramadan. In the past most saw this time as a deeply spiritual time, a time in which to reconnect at the deepest level with the human state on the one hand and much higher spiritual state on the other through acts of physical discipline and spiritual meditation.
Increasingly however Ramadan is seen as the only time in the year where Muslims are urged to be on their best behaviour. In stressing the importance of good behaviour over this period, one of the pre-Ramadan sermons I heard recently even seemed to imply such conduct to be less relevant during other months. Appointed and self-appointed religious representatives entice believers to observe magic formulas guaranteed to attain maximum rewards at this time. Surely only a fool would forgo the perks available in Ramadan: the first 10 days are those for Rehma (bounty); the following 10 are for Mughfira (repentance and forgiveness) and; the last 10 are for Shifaa (reprive from the hellfire; Itqun-minnanaar).
From the last Friday before Ramadan officially starts to the Eid Prayer (which concludes the end of the month of fasting and the beginning of a new lunar month), believers are doused with sermons urging reverence and selflessness in promise of bounteous reward. Comprises one of the five articles of faiths, the fast is in essence more than an act of devotion. It is a spiritual expression of a serious political question, highlighting social inequalities whether on the basis of income, class or ability.
Thus on the one hand the believer is grateful for the bounties bestowed on them while all the while experiencing what it means to go without. This personal experience with deprivation aims at opening the believer’s consciousness about what it is to be destitute and hungry, an experience that is conceived to make them more compassionate towards those less fortunate. Hence even those unable to observe the fast for medical reasons, old age or infirmity are urged to instead feed the hungry at least one meal daily for the duration of the month.
I do not wish to engage in a sermon of my own about the merits of fasting. What I want to do is to be build on the premise I offer on the significance of Ramadan to draw attention to the stark contrast between what fasting should attempt to achieve and what the reality actually is. I speak to these 'illusions' because I believe that in order to have meaning fasting should not solely be approached as a ritual but as a political statement of the values we propound and promote as believers, as humans, as citizens.
What I speak to demands that we go beyond understanding one's engagement with faith or religion as only a matter confined to those purporting to intervene at an individual level devoid of social realities and experiences. Rather, a religious experience should also speak to larger social issues and causes beyond the promise of scriptural salvation and rituals: it should form the basis of a movement for social transformation in a manner conceived by social justice advocacy as a driving ideology.
WHY IS THIS NECESSARY FOR MUSLIMS?
A daily food price soar is now almost at the onset of Ramadan, effectively making this month the most expensive of the year in household food budgets. Indeed, one fish as big as one's palm in the central market in Zanzibar now costs between 2500-3500 shillings (approximately two and half to three and a half dollars) while one plantain can cost between 500-2000 shillings. A bunch of four or so cassava or yam sticks costs about 1000 shillings. Mineral water has gone up, as has the famous fruit juice and ice cream by Azam.
Yet local incomes are well below a living wage and it is difficult to see how in these circumstances a believer can honestly and adequately provide for his or her family during this month. In much the same vein, it is not clear how one can extend a sense of generosity to others when their own personal needs are far from being met.
Who is responsible for this market ruse? How is a symbolic ritual of deprivation and sacrifice being turned into a calculated wealth generating opportunity? Interestingly, those who engage in and benefit from the price hikes are Muslims who also claim to be observing the fast on the same terms as other believers, that is seeking spiritual absolution from worldly vices. In practice they show little compassion for those who have to pay high prices for food commodities or for those less well off, who may in addition have large families to feed. In fact during Ramadan a large consignment of expired foodstuff on the market was destroyed indicating the level of greed prevailing during the month of Touba (repentance)!
The adverse economic conditions lead many people to fail to observe the fast. How can they fast when they are not guaranteed a meal a day? Significantly, how can they fast when the meal that they may receive is nutritionally substandard? Those who speak to the medical benefits of fasting are clear that fasting is beneficial to people in the right state of mind and health not people who are mal- or under-nourished.
A few years ago people broke fast out in the open and every passer-by by would be invited to partake in the meal. It was also common just before the mat was laid out for dishes to be exchanged from one household to another. Often this would involve delicacies associated with the holy month such as vipopo, kaimati, uji wa shurba, chila or viazi vikuu kwa utumbo. People are less generous today. With most are barely putting enough on the table, no one wants their neighbour to know what they are having for breakfast. Foods that were previously anathema during Ramadan like rice and maize meal are now commonplace, not only during the late meal but also during breakfast.
Religious personalities who are often invited to big iftaar affairs speak out sparingly about such inequalities. At best they urge food vendors against raising food prices but rarely do they go beyond an appeal to make the price issue a question of equity and resource imbalance between the haves and have-nots, between global and local markets. Perhaps their privileged status during Ramadan and during social functions removes them from the common folk experience with hunger and with deprivation.
The government too has been unable (or unwilling) to regulate price hikes during religious holidays but particularly during Ramadan. Instead there has emerged a class of well-to-do businesspeople who use Ramadan (and likewise Fridays) for publicity. They mobilise huge numbers of beggars under the pretext of giving charity. Effectively they perpetuate poverty by making it 'sexy' to those who feel entitled to handouts as a result of being 'orphaned', 'widowed' or 'poor'. Accordingly there has emerged a class of charity prowlers who make it their business to scout the homes and businesses of big names to collect envelopes and food rations.
The manner in which alms is administered by these rich families renders redundant the concept of respecting another's human dignity and confidentiality as an integral value in who you give to and how you give. Rather they engage in an arrogant display of wealth with very little intention to make a difference to a deserving case of need, with people queuing outside for hours before they are attended to.
Because there is no system for tracking aid to particular families or one to address the structural causes of economic and social inequalities, this ineffective and unsustainable manner of helping out the less fortunate persists. It is telling that these individuals rarely give to more empowering and sustainable causes to end poverty when asked, or that their philanthropy extends only to handouts in doggy bags.
Equally important to highlight is the religious experience for women during Ramadan. Like their male counterparts women too seek all the blessings associated with the month. Yet it is clear that the experience of women and men during Ramadan differ starkly, though few speak out on these as if they are normal and natural. Consequently, believers and preachers go through Ramadan not seeking to upset the status quo. If anything, they boldly perpetuate it.
As already mentioned Ramadan is a time for spiritual reconnection. Most people thus spend their time attending religious forums (darsa) or in deep mediation. In addition to the fast and giving alms others perform supplementary prayers performed mainly at night. However, it is clear that only men have exclusive privilege to this spiritual connection as if both men and women were to partake in the same then there would be no meal at sunset.
To allow ample time for the gender division labour and duties during Ramadan the work day in Zanzibar has been reduced by one full hour. Most men, however, clean up after work and attend religious forums that begin after lunch and go on until late afternoon just before the sunset prayer. When they come home they expect food to be on the table. They eat first and hurriedly race against time for the announcement of the last prayer of the day. After the prayer they may stay on for additional Ramadan prayer (Taraweeh), after which they may remain outside fraternising with friends and colleagues before retiring for the day.
The spiritual dimension of women during Ramadan has already been cut out. Above all it is telling how many weddings take place just before Ramadan, a trend dubbed the 'hearth bride'. Most women, if employed, will spend the whole day at work, and then come back home to begin the preparations for the evening meal. A woman may have an opportunity to read some passages of the Qu’ran before beginning preparations for the late night meal. Clearly their devotion during Ramadan is in service to others while men are encouraged to think selfishly only about their own salvation.
This is an arrangement that is supported by most religious figures undoubtedly because it proves convenient for men's ability to achieve spiritual connection. Women on the other hand don't need this spiritual connection as their religious devotion is limited to cooking for others and remaining confined to the home where it is easier to justify their continued drudgery resulting from their productive and reproductive roles. For this reason the attendance of women at Taraweh prayers is low even in women's mosques.
Thus religion and religious worship is once more used to justify and maintain inequality, in this case gender inequality. More troubling is the fact that many women are pushed to internalise this feeling of inferiority not only in daily but also in religious life. Through selective interpretations and propaganda women are made to feel lesser than human, with religious edicts no longer encompassing the religious community in its entirety but rather serving as rules carved out on the basis of sex differences.
During Ramadan I become all too aware of what I am denied as a female follower of a religion whose congregation is increasingly intolerant of women as spiritual beings and only views women in their sexual and reproductive roles. It also makes me very aware of the limited spaces available to point out such anomalies. Certainly, it is our failure to give meaning to what we preach and say we believe that allows for such disparities to remain unchallenged, just as it is our inability to comprehend the spirit of Ramadan (and religious observance generally) that confines us to rituals as the ultimate expression of who we are and what we believe.
* Salma Maoulidi is a lawyer with a passionate interest in human rights and women's personal law, with many years experience of development work in Tanzania. In 2000 she was among the founders of the Sahiba Sisters Foundation, an organisation created to build the leadership and organisational capacities of Muslim women and youth.
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