Meles Zenawi and contempt for the truth

The Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi's refusal to accept the findings of a recent International Crisis Group (ICG) study on his country smacks of a basic contempt for the truth, argues Alemayehu G. Mariam in this week's Pambazuka News. Ethiopia's 'ethnic federalism' policy has proven itself to be of dubious value, the author argues, and is ultimately highly divisive in its politicisation of power, representation and resources along ethnic lines. If it wants to achieve genuine representation and a vibrant democracy, Ethiopia's would do well to follow Ghana's example as a strong and functioning federal system, Mariam concludes.

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IN CONTEMPT…

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Of course, none of the foregoing is known to those who are wilfully ignorant of the report, but have chosen to preoccupy their minds with hubris, hypocrisy, arrogance and contempt for the truth.

OPINION VERSUS FACTS

Meles the dictator said, 'They [the ICG] are entitled to their opinion as we are entitled to ours.' That is true. But as the common saying goes, 'Everyone is entitled to his own opinions, but not his own facts.' The facts on the dictatorship and 'ethnic federalism' are infamous and incontrovertible. It is not a matter of opinion, but hard fact, that after the 2005 elections the dictator unleashed security forces under his personal control to undertake a massive 'crackdown on the opposition [that] demonstrated the extent to which the regime is willing to ignore popular protest and foreign criticism to hold onto power'. It is a proven fact by the dictator’s own Inquiry Commission, not opinion, that his 'security forces killed almost 200 civilians [the real number is many times that] and arrested an estimated 30,000 opposition supporters'. It is a plain fact that 'there is growing discontent with the EPRDF’s ethnically defined state and rigid grip on power and fears of continued inter-ethnic conflict'. It is an undeniable fact that the dictatorship has caused the 'continuous polarisation of national politics that has sharpened tensions between and within parties and ethnic groups since the mid-1990s. The EPRDF’s ethnic federalism has not dampened conflict, but rather increased competition among groups that vie over land and natural resources, as well as administrative boundaries and government budgets.' It is a fact just as sure as the sun will rise tomorrow that 'Without genuine multi-party democracy, the tensions and pressures in Ethiopia’s polities will only grow, greatly increasing the possibility of a violent eruption that would destabilise the country and region.'

It is true the dictator is entitled to his own opinion, but not his own facts!

THE ART OF DISTRACTION

What could possibly be 'contemptible' about the ICG report? The obvious way to counter a report by a respected international think-tank is by presenting countervailing evidence that undermines confidence in the report’s findings and conclusions. But the dictator opts for something proverbially attributed to the legal profession: 'When the law is against you, argue the facts. When the facts are against you, argue the law. When both are against you, pound the table and attack and abuse the plaintiff.' In this case, when you can’t handle the facts and the truth, throw a fit, make a scene, vilify the ICG, demonise the individual authors, demean the report with cheap shots and declare moral victory with irrational outbursts.

BUT WHY THROW A TEMPER TANTRUM?

The fact of the matter is that 'ethnic federalism' is indefensible in theory or practice. The ICG report hit a raw nerve by exposing the fundamental flaws in the dictatorship’s phony 'ethnic federalism' ideology. The report makes it crystal clear that the scheme of 'ethnic federalism' is unlikely to keep the nine ethnic-based states in orbit around the dictatorship much longer. The ICG’s reasonable fear is that over time irrepressible centripetal political contradictions deep within Ethiopian society could potentially trigger an implosion of the Ethiopian nation. This argument is logical, factually-supported and convincing. As we have previously suggested, 'ethnic federalism' is a glorified nomenclature for apartheid-style Bantustans.[1] By unloading verbal abuse and sarcasm on the ICG, the dictator is trying to divert attention from the central finding of the report: Ethnic federalism is highly likely to lead to the disintegration of the Ethiopian nation. That is what the dictator’s sound and fury is all about!

WHAT MAKES FOR A STRONG FEDERALISM?

We believe the ICG report does not go far enough in explicitly suggesting a way out of the 'ethnic federalism' morass. It seems implicit in the report that if 'ethnic federalism' is dissolved as a result of forceful action by the 'states', the country’s national disintegration could be accelerated. If the dictatorship fails to reform or modify it significantly, ethnic tensions will continue to escalate, resulting in an inevitable upheaval. If the dictatorship escalates its use of force to keep itself in power, it could pave the way for the ultimate and inevitable collapse of the country into civil strife. All of these scenarios place the Ethiopian people on the horns of a dilemma.

We believe there are important elements from the Ghanaian constitution that could be incorporated to produce a strong and functioning federal system in Ethiopia. As we have argued before,[2] Ghana’s 1992 constitution provides a powerful antidote to the poison of ethnic and tribal politics: 'Every political party shall have a national character, and membership shall not be based on ethnic, religious, regional or other sectional divisions.' Membership in a political party is open to 'every citizen of Ghana of voting age' and every citizen has the right to 'disseminate information on political ideas, social and economic programmes of a national character.' Ghanaian citizens’ political and civic life is protected by the rule of law and an independent judiciary. Citizens freely express their opinions without fear of government retaliation, and the media vociferously criticises government policies and officials without censorship. Ghana has a strong judiciary with extraordinary constitutional powers to the point of making the failure to obey or carry out the terms of a supreme court order a 'high crime'. Ghana’s independent electoral commission is responsible for voter registration, the demarcation of electoral boundaries, conduct and oversight of all public elections and referenda and electoral education. The commission’s decisions are respected by all political parties. These are the essential elements missing from the bogus theory of 'ethnic federalism' foisted upon the people of Ethiopia.

OB LA DI, OB LA DA…

It is truly pathetic that after nearly 20 years in power the best the dictators can offer the suffering Ethiopian people is an empty plate and a bellyful of contempt, acrimony and anger. Well, ob la di, ob la da, life goes on, forever! So will the Ethiopian nation, united and strong under the rule of law and the grace of the almighty. If South Africa can be delivered from the plague of the Bantustans, have no doubts whatsoever that Ethiopia will also be delivered from the plague of the Kililistans!

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* Alemayehu G. Mariam is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles.
* This article was originally published by Ethiomedia.com.
* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at Pambazuka News.

NOTES
[1] http://www.ethiopianreview.com/content/10705
[2] http://www.ethiopianreview.com/content/10396