While the debacle over world cup cricket matches being played in Zimbabwe continues to attract headlines, there is mounting concern over the trial of Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) leader Morgan Tsvangirai, with many believing that the charges against him have been manufactured to remove the opposition leader from the Zimbabwean political landscape. Tsvangirai, Welshman Ncube, the MDC secretary-general and MP for Bulawayo North-East, and Renson Gasela, the shadow minister of agriculture and Gweru Rural MP, are facing charges of hiring Dickens & Madson, a Canadian-based political lobby firm owned by Ari Ben-Menashe, leading witness for the state, to plot the assassination of President Robert Mugabe and subsequent overthrow of the Zanu PF-led government. The three deny the charges, but could face the death penalty if convicted.

Evidence in the trial has so far consisted mainly of a video recording of a meeting between Ben-Menashe and Tsvangirai, in which Ben-Menashe says the two discussed “eliminating” Mugabe. The defence argues that the meeting was set up to trap Tsvangirai. Tsvangirai has claimed that he is innocent of all charges against him and that the videotape was heavily edited with the word “eliminate” taken out of context.
Ben-Menashe claims that Tsvangirai had offered him money to facilitate the assassination of Mugabe, initiate a coup d'etat, and install a transitional government, but his credibility has been damaged by his ties to the Zimbabwean government. According to the Zimbabwean Independent, Dickens and Madson received a US$400,000 contract from the Zimbabwean government last May. They were hired to try and improve Zimbabwe's image abroad.

The International Association of Political Consultants, a professional association of political advisers from more than 50 countries, has sharply criticized the trial. IAPC president Ken Feltman urged media organisations to focus on what he called a “bogus trial which could cause an innocent man to lose his life” and said the IAPC were “disturbed” that Ben Menashe was the star witness for the state. “We have learned that Ben Menashe’s firm, Dickens & Madson of Canada, was on President Mugabe’s payroll long before he met with Tsvangirai and had received $400,000 from the Mugabe government.” Feltman said although Ben Menashe had described himself as a political consultant, he was not nor ever had been a member of IAPC. “The directors of IAPC reject the contention that Morgan Tsvangirai is guilty of trying to plan an assassination and believe this is a plot organised by Ari Ben Menashe and financed by Mugabe as a means of eliminating Tsvangirai as a political opponent.”

Meanwhile, the latest round of quiet diplomacy is being conducted by South African President Thabo Mbeki and Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo, who has stressed “constructive engagement” to help Zimbabwe. Obasjano reportedly said: “We must help Zimbabwe out of its predicament and problem. We cannot do that if we become unduly and unnecessarily critical and antagonistic to Zimbabwe. We must remain constructively engaged with Zimbabwe. If there are points to be raised with Zimbabwe, like brothers we put ourselves in a room, we lock the door and we tell ourselves (the) truth.”

The continued emphasis on quiet diplomacy despite its failure is viewed with dismay by human rights and democracy groups. In late January, Amnesty International issued a statement saying the level of fear among human rights activists in Zimbabwe had never been greater. And in a report released at the end of January, Tony Reeler, a former director of the Amani Trust, described the “grim picture” painted by a number of reports on the organised violence and torture that has afflicted Zimbabwe since February 2000 and the absence of credible government attempts to stop them. Gross human rights abuses had been perpetrated, including summary executions; extra-judicial killings; disappearances; torture; mass psychological torture; political rape; rape; illegal arrests and unlawful detentions.

However, Mugabe continues to escape censure from African leaders for the human rights situation in Zimbabwe, something which Tsvangirai himself has described as being a result of a “dubious African brotherhood”. Obasanjo’s meeting with Mugabe this week apparently dealt with attempts to persuade Mugabe to implement reforms ahead of a Commonwealth meeting that would strengthen the case against renewing sanctions. This would in turn encourage Mugabe to implement more reforms. Mbeki, Obasanjo and Howard are due to meet in South Africa next month to review their decision to suspend Zimbabwe from the Commonwealth after Mugabe was re-elected last March in elections dismissed by Commonwealth observers as fraudulent. South Africa, Nigeria and Australia are tasked with reviewing the one-year suspension of Zimbabwe.

A further diplomatic triumph for Mugabe has been the hosting of preliminary games of the cricket world cup in Zimbabwe. England was the only country to announce the cancellation of their match in Zimbabwe, but this was mainly due to safety concerns as opposed to being a result of taking a politically principled position. The only official statement of solidarity with the people of Zimbabwe emanating from World Cup structures that suggested there may be moral problems with playing a game in a country where torture and starvation were taking place came from Zimbabwean cricketers Andrew Flower and Henry Olongo, who wore black armbands during their game against Namibia. “We cannot in good conscience take to the field and ignore the fact that millions of our compatriots are starving, unemployed and oppressed. We are aware that hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans may even die in the coming months through a combination of starvation, poverty and Aids. We are aware that many people have been unjustly imprisoned and tortured simply for expressing their opinions about what is happening in the country,” the pair said in a statement.

Two recent trials suggest that justice may prevail, says an article published by the Digital Freedom Network (http://www.dfn.org/news/zimbabwe/tsvang-trial.htm). The first is the dropping of charges against 41 white farmers who had refused to vacate their farms in protest of the government's land reform program that involves the involuntary seizure of land without adequate compensation. The second trial involved four MDC members, including Member of Parliament Job Sikhala, who were accused of plotting to overthrow the government. They filed a motion with the High Court in February to have their case dropped, claiming that a confession was coerced from them while under police custody. The judge ruled in their favour and dismissed the charges. But the DFN article also acknowledges that Mugabe has been known to fire judges and reverse their decisions on a whim and that if the court finds Tsvangirai guilty, then Mugabe would have succeeded in eliminating his political competition.

Just how far will the failure in quiet diplomacy extend? Having said little or nothing about Zimbabwe’s human rights record, it remains to be seen what Mbeki and Obasanjo would have to say if Tsvangirai was found guilty and sentenced to death. Not so long ago a similar exercise in quiet diplomacy involving a human rights activist, a South African president and a despotic ruler ended badly. In that case the characters were Ken Saro-Wiwa, South African President Nelson Mandela and General Sani Abacha of Nigeria. But lets hope that’s where the similarities end.

Links:
* Who should be sanctioned?

* Treason trial in secret session
http://allafrica.com/stories/200302110459.html
* Ben-Menashe a Crook, Say Tsvangirai's Defence Lawyers
http://allafrica.com/stories/200302040222.html
* African nations to drop Mugabe sanctions