A war of words in the new Middle East Cold War

On 28 April an Egyptian emergency court convicted 26 people accused of belonging to an active Hizbullah cell in Egypt, only the latest move that reflects a show of Egypt’s support for Israel, the US and other pro-Western regimes. In contrast, the country’s history of pan-Arab nationalism and support for the status quo that included a pro-Palestinian stance raises questions about conflicting tensions within the country. The about-face also advances the theory of a new, Middle East Cold War.

The latest exchange of blows in the ongoing feud between Egypt and Lebanon’s Hizbullah came on 28 April, as the Egyptian Emergency Supreme State Security Court (ESSSC) convicted and sentenced 26 individuals who Cairo accuses of being part of an active Hizbullah cell in Egypt. Authorities claim the suspects operated on Egyptian soil in late 2008 before their detention between December 2008 and January 2009.

The announcement of the verdict marked the end of an eight month-long trial characterised by incessant controversy and political intrigue. Egyptian authorities accused the suspects of a host of charges ranging from conducting intelligence activities on ships traversing the Suez Canal to plotting attacks against Sinai tourist resorts popular with Israelis in Sinai. The alleged cell members are also accused of possessing arms and explosives and smuggling weapons and fighters into Israeli-occupied Gaza, where Egypt helps to enforce Israel’s economic and travel blockade of the territory.[1] The case, which continues to arouse strong emotions inside Egypt and the wider region, marks the first time Egypt has prosecuted alleged members of Hizbullah. The trial also showcased an underlying subtext behind the dynamic shaping some of the most important trends in Middle East politics today.

The alleged members of the cell, which include Lebanese, Palestinians, Egyptians, and Sudanese, were sentenced to prison terms ranging from six months to life. Four of the suspects who remain on the run were tried and sentenced in absentia, and three of them received life sentences. According to the defendants and their defense team, Egyptian State Security authorities extracted false confessions through torture and other threatening methods.[2] Because the trial took place in the ESSSC – an institution founded under the emergency laws set in place following the assassination of Egyptian president Anwar Sadat in 1981 – there was no option for the defendants to seek a higher appeal, as the only remaining recourse is a presidential pardon.[3]

Hizbullah has been remarkably forthright in admitting to having deployed operatives to Egypt. Specifically, Hizbullah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah acknowledged that Muhammad Yusuf Mansur Ahmad (a.k.a. Sami Shehab), the lone Lebanese suspect in Egyptian custody, is a member of Hizbullah: ‘Our brother Sami is a member of Hizbullah, we do not deny this’.[4] During the trial’s initial hearings, one of the defendants is reported to have shouted in the courtroom, ‘we are at your command Nasrallah.’[5]
At the same time, Hizbullah scoffed at Cairo’s charge that it had any intention of targeting or inflicting harm on Egypt; Hizbullah maintains that it was and is concerned solely with supporting the Palestinians in Gaza. Hizbullah also disputes Egypt’s allegations that Shehab was part of a 26-man team, insisting that no more than 10 others assisted Shehab in his activities.[6]

HIZBULLAH ANSWERS THE CHARGES

The announcement of the trial’s verdict elicited a bold and defiant response from Hizbullah. Branding the Egyptian court’s decision as ‘unjust’ and ‘political’, Nasrallah reaffirmed the group’s support for the prisoners and its determination to support the Palestinian resistance against Israeli occupation.
‘Our brothers are honest mujahideen, not terrorists as they were described by the court … since when is helping the Palestinians in Gaza a crime?’[7]
In a statement directed to the prisoners, Nasrallah lavished praise on what he described as their commitment to supporting the Palestinian cause. ‘You were prepared to face death for the Palestinian cause and should wear these sentences as a badge of honor’, he said.[8]

A Hizbullah delegation to the family of Sami Shehab led by Sayyed Ibrahim Amin al-Sayyed, the head of Hizbullah’s political council, rebuffed Cairo’s assertion that Hizbullah posed a threat to Egypt’s security and stability, stating that Shehab and the other prisoners were ‘fulfilling the duty of supporting the oppressed Palestinian people and their brave resistance in the besieged Gaza Strip’.[9]

EGYPT LASHES BACK

The ensuing war of words between the prosecution and defense teams escalated steadily throughout the trial. Since the initial arrest of the defendants, the prosecution—bolstered by official statements out of Cairo and the diligent efforts of official and semi-official media outlets – painted a picture of Hizbullah as an enemy of Egypt. Media outlets closely tied to the regime went so far as to label Nasrallah ‘the monkey shaykh’ and described Hizbullah as ‘the devil’s party’. Other venues attempted to link the group to Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, the moderate, democratic and reform-minded movement that represents the strongest opposition to the authoritarian regime.[10]

Prior to handing down his sentences, presiding judge Adel Abdel Salam Gomaa asked, ‘does supporting the Palestinian resistance include collecting information on Egyptian [interests] in the governorates of North and South Sinai, pinpointing tourist resorts [for attack], renting property overlooking the Suez Canal, making explosives and keeping them with [one of the defendants] in the governorate of North Sinai?’ The judge added that the defendants sought to hurt the Egyptian economy and to destabilise the country.[11]

The prosecution repeated the regime’s longstanding argument based on the ‘Shi’a crescent’ thesis that the actions of the defendants were part of Iranian designs aimed at undermining Egypt and controlling the Middle East, a theme repeated by Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak. ‘We will not allow any interference by foreign forces [i.e. Iran] … who push the region towards hell out of a desire to spread their influence and their agenda on the Arab world.’[12]

The especially strong language coming out of Egyptian officialdom is a form of reprisal against Hizbullah for the latter’s rhetoric targeting the Egyptian stance during Israel’s invasion of Gaza in December 2008, namely Egypt’s decision to seal the border between Gaza and Sinai to prevent an influx of refugees escaping the bombardment and to block the flow of humanitarian aid. Nasrallah castigated Egypt for collaborating with Israel and called on Egyptians to rise up against the regime in a show of solidarity with the Palestinians. ‘Let the Egyptian people take to the streets in millions. Can the Egyptian police arrest millions of Egyptians? No! They cannot.’[13] Nasrallah even addressed ‘the officers and soldiers of the Egyptian armed forces, who are still proud of their Arab roots and continue to oppose Zionism’:

’I am not calling for a coup in Egypt, and I am in no position to call for one. But I am calling for generals and officers to ask their political leadership whether it is their devotion to the military, the responsibilities entrusted in them and their rows of medals that prompt them to guard Israeli borders while watching our own people being slaughtered in Gaza?’[14]

PLAYING ON EGYPT’S SHAME

Led by Muhammad Salim al-Awwa, an attorney who also serves as the secretary general of the International Union of Islamic Scholars (IUMS), the defense team built its case based on the premise that the entire trial was essentially a political show by drawing heavily from examples of Egypt’s history of resistance to foreign occupation and support for national liberation movements in the Arab world and beyond. Al-Awwa emphasised that under the rule of President Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian intelligence services had established the Arab World Unit, a department charged with providing national liberation movements in countries such as Algeria and revolutionary movements across Africa and the Middle East with arms, finance and political support.

The defendants, according to al-Awwa, were only acting in the tradition of Egypt’s once-proud sense of revolutionary spirit and commitment to defending the oppressed in Palestine and beyond.[15] Al-Awwa refuted charges that Hizbullah was targeting Egypt: ‘[Hizbullah] is not a secret and illegal organization that seeks to destabilize Egypt.’ Al-Awaa quoted Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri, a close Egyptian and American ally, on Hizbullah’s role in Lebanon as a ‘political partner and a political force’.[16] The defense added that armed resistance is permitted against occupation under international law and that as a party to a variety of international and pan-Arab legal charters, Egypt is essentially failing to live up to its commitments. To further support his assertion that Cairo’s position toward the defendants amounts to little more than a show trial as opposed to a case based on sound legal or national security grounds, al-Awwa cited statements issued by Mubarak critical of Israel’s occupation of Gaza and the West Bank, as well as Mubarak’s recognition that armed resistance under these circumstances is legitimate.[17]

THE NEW MIDDLE EAST COLD WAR

To understand the implications of this war of words between Egypt and Hizbullah, a brief look at the recent history of the region is in order. The influence of the brand of pan-Arab nationalism promoted by Nasser (‘Nasserism’) reached its height between the mid-1950s and 1967 as a bitter rivalry developed between Egypt and advocates of the status quo in the Middle East, led by Saudi Arabia and other conservative, pro-Western monarchies. This period is often referred to as the Arab Cold War.[18] Powerful rhetoric, proxy wars, insurgencies, terrorism, coups, and counter-coups characterised the politics of the day. As the de facto leader of the resistance faction in the region, Egypt actively supported revolutionary campaigns across the Middle East under the banners of popular struggle and resistance typical of anti-colonial movements of the day. In this context, undermining Saudi influence was critical to furthering Arab nationalist goals due to the Kingdom’s strong links to foreign powers, including to the United States and the former colonial powers. Today many observers point to a new Middle East Cold War paradigm, essentially an expanded version of previous rivalries between competing power blocs that feature a host of new players. Egypt, this time as a member of the pro-US status quo camp, along with fellow US allies Saudi Arabia, Jordan, other pro-US Arab regimes and Israel, stand against the so-called ‘resistance’ faction led by Iran, Syria, Lebanon’s Hizbullah, and Hamas. Depending on the politics of the day, Turkey and Qatar (through its al-Jazeera news network) may navigate a fine line between both factions.

Given this background, Egypt’s predicament is that Egyptians tend to identify strongly with the resistance camp, despite Egypt’s alliance with the United States and its cooperation with Israel. Cairo is vulnerable to internal criticism and perceives Iranian and Hizbullah attacks against its positions on the regional and global stage as a serious threat, especially in their potential to embolden domestic political opposition among groups such as the Muslim Brotherhood and other dissenting factions in Egyptian society.

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NOTES

[1] al-Jazeera, 28 April; al-Masry al-Youm [Cairo], 28 April.
[2] al-Masry al-Youm, 22 November 2009.
[3] al-Jazeera, 28 April.
[4] al-Manar [Beirut], 10 April 2009.
[5] Menassat [Beirut], 24 August 2009.
[6] Reuters, 28 April.
[7] al-Masry al-Youm, 29 April.
[8] al-Masry al-Youm, 29 April.
[9] Al-Manar, 29 April; see Terrorism Monitor, 10 April 2009.
[10] Menassat, 5 May 2009.
[11] al-Masry al-Youm, 28 April.
[12] Menassat, 5 May 2009.
[13] Press TV [Tehran], 30 December 2008.
[14] Press TV, 30 December 2008.
[15] Al-Ahram Weekly [Cairo], 25 February – 3 March.
[16] Al-Ahram Weekly, 25 February – 3 March.
[17] Al-Ahram Weekly, 25 February – 3 March.
[18] The term was coined by Malcolm Kerr. For more background on this critical period in modern Middle Eastern history, see Malcolm Kerr, The Arab Cold War: Gamal ‘Abd Al-Nasir and His Rivals, 1958-1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971).