The funds transfer programme has lifted millions of people out of poverty, although critics dismiss it as welfare adventurism which African countries can ill afford
Themes that used to be ignored in Africa such as hunger eradication and reduction of social inequality have now become top priorities as a result of collaboration between Brazil and Africa in south-to-south solidarity. Brazil's social inclusion policies, such as income redistribution program ‘Bolsa Familia’, are most admired by African social actors.
‘Bolsa Familia’, or the family fund, is an internationally recognized program, an obligation that Brazilian government undertook to contribute to eradication of hunger and extreme poverty among its population. It is a part of social protection and promotion which is integrated with systems of food and nutrition security and social assistance.
The program is a social safety-net waiver for Brazilians over 65 years of age and whose household income is less than a quarter of the minimum wage, that is under 169.50 Reais. They are entitled to a non-contributory pension equal to the minimum wage, currently 678 Reais. But poor families who have no older persons living with them, have children and live on less than 140 Reais a month, they can apply for ‘Bolsa Familia’ as well, a discretionary and much less generous monthly stipend paid in return for sending children to school and keeping up with basic medical requirements such as getting vaccines.
This integrated income transfer program has rescued 11-45 million people in all of Brazil from destitution. Bearing in mind that Brazil is upper middle income country, the program might not spell the end of extreme poverty, but it certainly represents another important step towards this goal. There is a strong evidence that the recipients of the ‘Bolsa Familia’ keep their children longer in school and that their children end up better educated and eventually in better jobs. By supporting consumption, ‘Bolsa Familia’ has brought businesses and jobs into some of the poorest corners of Brazil, setting in motion a virtuous cycle of economic growth.
Right after the 1988 dictatorship, Brazil had a constitutional assembly with broad social participation reserved in the new constitution, which defined social policies as a right of every citizen and an obligation of the state, thus bringing social protection to the realm of public policies.
Under the stewardship of President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva whose humble background and political history was in social movements, in 2003 when he assumed office important laws regarding social policies were passed. In 2003, the constitutional obligations related to social rights were fulfilled.
President Lula gave priority to social policies, unequivocally opting for a model of growth for all, but with a preference to the poor. Having a labour movement background, Lula da Silva knew that the creation of strong domestic markets and the process of poverty eradication boost the economy.
President Lula created the ministry of social development and fight against hunger in 2004, in the context of state public policies which ensured social rights for everyone. The cash transfer had a significant and immediate effect upon the life of the poor population, because the transfer promoted food access and fulfilled basic needs. In addition to the financial benefit, families had to comply with conditions, like keeping their children in school and attending primary healthcare services, which contributed to breaking the generational cycle of poverty. The expansion and integration of “Bolsa Familia” was an important step for Lula to consolidate the welfare state in Brazil, by ensuring citizens’ rights and promotion of equal opportunities for all.
Brazil's foreign policy towards Africa has been so much centered in the figure of Lula. Having a background in the labour movement perhaps made him presume the world as an unfair place in which the difference between the North and the South was too big and someone had to do something about it. He looked at Africa in a way that is free of prejudice. He used to say that the relationship between Brazil, the country with the highest population of people of African descent out side Africa, and African connection was more than just business.
Lula did a lot to lend visibility to Brazil's relations with Africa. His visits to Africa during his presidency covered 25 countries. When he traveled in Africa President Lula did not only meet with heads of state and governments. He always used to find time to hold meetings with leaders of local social movements. Those dialogues strengthened Africa's social organizations with international peoples movements, putting them on a more solid base in order to strengthen solidarity.
While in Mozambique, said: ‘When we make a choice for Africa, we want to stand up and lift our heads together. We want to build together a future in which the south is not weaker than the north, not dependent on the north; a future in which, if we believe in ourselves, we can be just as important and as smart as they are.’ During Lula’s era, Brazil doubled its number of embassies to Africa to 34.
Historically the recipient of aid, Brazil has become what is known as a non-traditional donor, directing resources particularly to the poor countries of Africa.
It is true that Brazil's cooperation is not big in terms money, but the question is not one of size, it is about what Brazil's social agenda can bring to Africa.
Brazil's ministry of social development and fight against hunger used to work actively in the south to south cooperation with Africa under the leadership of Lula in consonant with the Brazilian ministry of foreign affairs. It shared its experiences and also sought to learn from African programs, policies and ideas. In 2007 Brazil conducted joint activities with Ghana. In 2003 it linked with Angola, Mozambique and Kenya.
The question of affordability has been used by Africa's opponents to dismiss Brazil's ‘Bolsa Familia’ social protection model as welfare adventurism which African countries can ill afford.
But in May 2010, a feasibility study by the Tanzanian Ministry of Labour, Employment and Youth found that giving about Ksh 960 to every one over 60 years will reduce poverty by 11% and lift 1.5 million out of poverty, more than twice the improvement achieved between 2001 and 2007 through the full range of government policy intervention.
Kenya also has hunger safety net pilot program and the recent social transfer for senior citizens. Otherwise, social assistance programmes in Kenya particularly food aid and cash for work is often irregular, unpredictable, inappropriate and therefore ineffective. ‘Bolsa Familia’ pilot projects in Africa have been done under the umbrella of south -south relations, with a strong emphasis on cultural similarities and political solidarity.
As many as 50 percent of Brazil's population trace their heritage to Africa and some parts of Brazil are said to bear closer resemblance to sub-Saharan Africa than Latin America. Lula regularly referred to what he calls Brazil's historic debt to Africa, a reference to the millions of Brazilians who are descendants of African slaves.
The current President Dilma Rousseff talks of relationship between Brazil and Africa as a special relationship between equals, born of desire to be free of colonial hells. The rhetoric works well for both parties. But it is not clear how the branding will fare as big conglomerates from Brazil continue to expand in Africa. No wonder this fits a perceived trends amongst some observers, that direct foreign investments into Africa by other emerging economies like Brazil is predominantly motivated by demand for natural resources, often at the expense of political and social considerations.
China’s booming trade with Africa, for example, lulled Africa to sleep by the facade of a south to south relationship. China is in the south on face value, but it might as well be in the north. China has often been subjected to criticism for its alleged disregard for human rights abuses and political oppression. Africa should embrace the entry of Brazil on the basis of its social agenda only; but on the exploitation of African resources, civil society and the press should be vigilant. Africa should not be mortgaged to Rio or Sao Paulo, the same way it has been mortgaged to Beijing.
* Julius Okoth is a social jusctice activist with Bunge la Mwananchi in Kenya
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