A friend of mine, who is a high school teacher, recently invited me to come and speak to his students, all of whom will be voting for the first time in forthcoming local government elections. During the question-and-answer session, one of the students said to me, ‘I hear you and understand the importance of voting as a citizen, but aren’t all black politicians just the same?’

I then asked her what she meant by ‘the same’ and she replied: ‘Aren’t all black politicians just corrupt?’ Disturbed as I was by her question, I nevertheless tried, to the best of my ability, to make her realise that there were many honest and hardworking black people, politicians included, serving South Africa with diligence and loyalty, and who could therefore be regarded as positive role models for students like her.

As I left the school, I was troubled, not so much by the possibility that the youngster might not know any of the black role models to which I was referring, but by the thought that there might be many other black teenagers who thought that black people were inherently corrupt or incompetent.

I then remembered what minister for higher education and training Blade Nzimande had said during the debate on the president’s state of the nation address on 15 February: ‘If the matric results are bad, this is taken as a proof that this government of darkies is incapable. If the matric pass rate goes up, it means the results have been manipulated by these darkies. In either case, the sneering, arrogant tone of this discourse, which is often racist, frankly, is aimed at undermining the confidence of our people in both our education system and our government. And they will not succeed in that.’

While I have some sympathy for Nzimande’s reasoning, I however think it is important that we as blacks take some time to examine our rationalisation on the issue of racism.

There can be no denying that the impact of centuries of colonial domination and racial oppression will continue to shape black life for a long time to come. And this is so because racial oppression, in the South African context, was not just institutionalised, and maintained with the naked brutality of the state apparatus, but it was also intended to ensure that the recipients of white racism sheepishly internalised the racist notion that blacks represent the lowest manifestation of the human species.

This meant that, in their existence and conduct, blacks didn’t have to exhibit the attributes of beauty, intelligence and excellence. Therefore, like Steve Biko, the South African architects of white racism understood that ‘the most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed’. And once the oppressor has inflicted sufficient damage on the black psyche, black people were expected to reach a stage where they would willingly become participants in the programmes that were actually designed to dehumanise them.

From this perspective, it is evident that it will take much more to dismantle the system of colonial and racial oppression than it took to set it up (particularly if viewed from the perspective of psychological liberation). However, a history of brutal oppression doesn’t necessarily imply that the oppressed have now been plunged into a state of irretrievable paralysis. In fact, in this connection, the Black Consciousness approach is perhaps more relevant today than it was during the anti-colonial struggle.

For instance, now that the majority of people who manage the post-apartheid state and are in charge of our country’s national planning, budgets and resource allocation are black, there is absolutely no reason for black children to continue receiving their education under trees or for the black elderly to receive their health care in sub-standard public hospitals. This should simply not be happening under a black government.

Blacks are now in charge of the management of higher education and even though black students are the majority at our universities, when compared to their white counter parts, they still have the lowest postgraduate output rates, particularly in the areas of science, engineering and technology. And according to the Academy of Science of South Africa, of our country's 23 universities, only six are responsible for the bulk of our research and development output as a country. These six just happen to be historically white universities. Is this not something that should bother those who manage our national system of innovation?

Some of the state departments and state-owned enterprises managed by us blacks are riddled with internal turbulence and scandals, which have very little to do with the fulfilment of their respective mandates, but have more to do with endemic factional and personality battles. In some cases, this narrow mindedness has crippled the functioning of critical public institutions like the SABC. Does this mean that we have accepted that, as a norm, any institution that is managed by blacks must be characterised by internal turbulence and scandal?

In appointing people to positions at various levels in the public sector, we prioritise all sorts of things, but not the most critical ones, like merit - skills, experience and qualifications. Why should we then be surprised when these institutions collapse? Or do we appoint blacks with inferior skills because we believe it is normal for blacks to dispense or receive poor service?

Does all this perhaps explain why it is that, even though blacks have been in charge of the state for the past 16 years, their own kith and kin continue to have the lowest quality of life compared to other groups in our society?

Whatever the answers to some of these questions, one thing is for certain - there is something terribly wrong with the psychological make-up of some of the blacks that manage our public institutions. Irrespective of their level of education, they seem to serve our people with an attitude that says, ‘Even if I don’t give my best, nobody will complain or do anything about it because that's the norm in my country.’

As in any constitutional democracy, the ruling party must carry the bulk of the blame for the current state of black life. And while this makes perfect sense if viewed through the narrow lenses of bourgeois parliamentarism, the broader objective reality seems to suggest that the nature and complexity of the problems that blacks face will require a much broader and visionary leadership approach - one that will enable blacks, where ever they may find themselves, to work together towards their own development and that of their country, regardless of their various political or ethnic affiliations.

Under the current political climate, this approach is likely to spark a lot of debate and even tension. However as contentious as this approach might be, it seems to be the most logical response to the rapidly deteriorating quality of life amongst blacks.

But most critically, one reality that we blacks must wake up to is that, just as it happens in our own country and in many other parts of the world, other groups continue to dominate us in many critical areas. And this is not so much because their intellect is superior to ours, but mainly because, when it comes to the challenges that face them as a group, they are more willing to put their political and religious affiliations aside and work towards their survival and progress as a group.

Is the current crop of black leaders capable of providing this kind of leadership, or is there a need for a new generation of black leaders to emerge and take up this challenge?

For the realisation of their collective dignity, blacks must reach a level of consciousness where they will be able to work with one another without being bothered by parochial considerations such as political or ethnic affiliation. And once we adopt this approach, then in the long term we will gradually change from being a people that readily consume the ideas and products of other groups. And African countries will cease to be mere suppliers of raw material (human capital included) to Western countries, and become genuine innovators and knowledge producers.

By managing our country and its various social, political, educational and economic institutions in a manner that erodes the dignity of the very people they are supposed to affirm, not only are we making a mockery of the selfless sacrifices of people like Mangaliso Sobukwe, Chris Hani, Onkgopotse Tiro and many others, but we are also sending the message to black youngsters that blackness and excellence do not go together - that blacks are capable of nothing else but mediocrity at best.

It therefore does not matter how much we blame the ‘legacy of apartheid’ or those who continue to hold black people in contempt for the current state of affairs in our country. The fact of the matter is that blacks are supposed to be in charge of the state and to use it to improve the quality of life of the citizenry - especially the black majority - and we are simply not doing so.

If we are really in charge of our country then we must simply take responsibility and manage our affairs in a manner that will make black youngsters believe that blackness and excellence can be synonymous. This is the best legacy that we can bequeath to our children and grandchildren - a legacy of pride in ourselves, and of excellence.

BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

* Veli Mbele is president of the Azanian Youth Organisation.
* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at Pambazuka News.