Since 1994, South Africa has undergone three national elections with remarkable success and free from the incidents that often mar elections in much of Africa. Despite being under a peculiar form of racialist tyrannical rule prior to its democratically elected government in 1994, South Africa has surprised the rest of the world with the way its citizens have continued to express themselves peacefully. These citizens have maintained strong civic engagement and have harnessed their democratic rights through going to the polls and standing for hours in long lines with discipline and calm decency, all for the purpose of expressing their voices, making choices and casting their secret ballots to vote with record numbers.

On 22 April 2009, for the third time, they did it again! They expressed their voices. They made their choices. After hearing spirited campaign debates, discussions and even heated exchanges (which in other places would possibly have descended into violence), they finally cast their ballot papers and voted.

Back in 2004 I witnessed the election in Durban whilst working at the University of KwaZulu Natal on a leave of absence from an English university in London. Then, as it is now, the citizens went out with huge numbers and voted.

Again in 2009, I saw the long lines of the election in Tshwane in person. There were lines almost everywhere in the city. I talked to a few voters. When I asked 'Whom are you going to vote for?', most answered that it was a secret ballot. A mother had a young child with her and I wondered if the child was going to vote too. His mother's earnest reply was to let the child begin to learn how people vote, and when his turn comes it will perhaps be a routine matter to go and vote. A 97-year-old woman, Jeminah Moshanyana, also voted, just as the dignified and frail African liberation hero Nelson Mandela did with both humility and pride. Former President Thabo Mbeki also voted with cheerful interest. Those who have led the country know even more than others the importance of acting in a way which demonstrates that they are very happy to be led also. The former leaders know both to lead and be led, and when voting seem to enjoy the role of being led!

The country continues to be among the highest scores – perhaps the highest in the world – for continuing to come out in massive numbers to vote. It looks that the cynic index in South Africa will not apply to the South African democratic voter! In Switzerland every person of voting age is legally obliged to vote. In South Africa, they vote without any legal compulsion. They vote from a deep commitment to civic engagement and expressing their citizenship rights, believing that their votes can make a difference. This is indeed a great achievement in itself, regardless of whether a winning party delivers on its programmes and promises.

SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY CONTINUES FORWARDS

It appears that in South Africa history is neither repeating itself nor moving backwards. On the contrary, history seems to move irreversibly forwards making the journey to the future exemplary, full of possibilities, of optimism, desirable and even fun. Curiosity is growing across the world around how South Africa oversees such free, fair and peaceful elections with massive turnout and which take place without rancour, violence or destabilising quarrels. How is it that this country, for the third consecutive time, managed to achieve this level of democratic civilisation and history? This without any recognisable, reportable hitches or glitches in a country where the press would be waiting hungrily to report any small incident to have taken place, even by accident? How come a country suffering from a hostile media blitz goes in such massive numbers to an election and manages to vote, express its voice and choices without scarcely an incident during the process or afterwards?

One can only congratulate this important African nation for its remarkable and exemplary achievements in showing the world that it has embarked on an irreversible democratic journey, one that will long continue and that will overcome the test of time and the hazards of any foreseen and unforeseen misfortune.

We must be proud that we have at least one African country that is a super example in managing democratic elections, not only to Africa but to the rest of the world. South Africa is indeed a good example for all of us Africans the world over. We must all try to learn with great humility what brought this great historic achievement to this land. Above all, we must venture to ask: 'Can other African states learn from the power of South Africa’s example? Can other countries manage an amazing "incident and accident-free election", in an African context where it is still hugely difficult to pull off such free, fair and peaceful elections?'

All the pundits were this time predicting that the election would run into some trouble. But it did not. While the reasons why the election succeeded require deeper analyses, here we can briefly highlight some of the tricky moments which could have marred the South African election process this time round.

THE PERIOD OF DOUBT: COPE'S SPLIT FROM THE ANC

The democratic process in South Africa appeared to go through difficult times. There was a time when it looked unlikely that the process could turn out to be peaceful.

When some members of the African National Congress (ANC) broke away to form the Congress of the People (COPE) party, the media and some commentators tried to suggest that imminent violence would result were the ANC’s share of the votes to be reduced. The main story that was replayed time and time again was as follows: COPE’s strength was increasing at the expense of the ANC and the latter would not tolerate the shrinking of its electoral power. The rhetoric of the ANC Youth League leader and others was seized upon and the media's suggestions of potential difficulties intensified, propounding the notion that the election might not go as well as the previous two. Violence was feared, or even expected. Indeed, it was seen in some circles as perhaps even unavoidable.

As time went by, it appears that even those criticising the ANC still saw it as Africa’s oldest liberation movement, one with plans to deliver better housing, health, education, public services and job opportunities than other parties, including the newly formed COPE. The result is now obvious: the ANC has not alienated its base. Its support is still intact. It is likely to enjoy such support from the South African population for a long time if it continues to deliver on the things that matter to the electorate. The election's anticipated violence never materialised. The third South African election was as peaceful, disciplined, orderly and successful as the previous two.

The other extraordinary turn of events was the extreme vilification of the ANC leader and now president, Jacob Zuma. Even members of the foreign press like Britain's The Guardian got involved in the defamation. Nothing and nobody was spared. Undue focus on Zuma's personality, his lack of formal education, his private life, his family, his friends and so on became the delights of the media's daily features and stories. The media became hysterical before and around the time of the split of COPE from the ANC.

It is remarkable how any individual can weather the storm of such attacks and carry on as if it is business as usual. Some opposition parties campaigned literally on what they called a 'Stop Zuma’ slogan, using all these allegations and vilifications as data and storylines for their campaigns. They used skewed logic and fallacies, claiming for example that if Zuma were to be president, the state as a whole in South Africa would become also ’criminal and corrupt'. This is like saying that if the leaf is contaminated, the whole tree is also, or that if the tree is contaminated, then the whole forest is too. The fallacy of such reasoning is evident, but such a fallacy did not bar those pedalling such fabrications from continuing to use them. Nor however did Zuma or the ANC bother much about such claims against them; they did not draw them from focusing on their own core message. In other parts of Africa, such a level of tolerance is not likely to be found at all. It would generate violence. In South Africa however, it was seen as part of the occupational hazard of running a democratic election.

This is a country where there is a robust constitution, the rule of law, the separation of powers and an active and free press. In the ANC no individual seems to be above the party, something demonstrated at Polokwane when the then seated President Thabo Mbeki was replaced by Jacob Zuma. Even Archbishop Desmond Tutu, who said he would not vote if Zuma was to be the next president, reversed his stance in the end and eventually voted. Zuma will be the president of both the ANC and South Africa for the next five years, whether one likes it or not.

After the election the heat cooled and the dust settled and we thought that South Africans would all work together, appearing as they do to be creative, tolerant and above all to regard their country’s unity as priceless. The power of the example of their election and democracy to the rest of Africa is too important to be soiled by other mundane concerns and personal distractions.

All these political gyrations, tumultuous commotions, emotions, logical fallacies, insults and splits did not affect the way the election ultimately went. That is what is extremely novel about South Africa’s election success; how in such a charged campaign did none of those involved not flip and take action to derail the election process? What can the rest of Africa learn from this remarkable process? What is the secret of this great success?

SOUTH AFRICA’S ELECTION AND AFRICA

In other parts of Africa it is hard to imagine that the level of insult witnessed in the South African election would be tolerated without those who hold or are near power misusing or abusing their power to derail the election. What makes South Africa interesting is that it is not one of these states in Africa to be distracted or to lose focus in the face of petty electioneering rhetoric. Those involved were able to ignore such rhetoric or use it to educate the public, instead of simply turning it into a fight amongst the parties.

It is fully demonstrated now that no matter what is said, South Africa can manage its elections despite or even because of any insults. It sounds counterintuitive, but it is this capable, collective management of a complex process in a complex society that strikes us as an extraordinary achievement. The election was not given to those who won on a silver platter, it was hard-fought. The winner earned the victory and was not given it. The process was free, fair and just. The losers have no complaints about the process. The winner has no grudges. As Africans we must feel proud that South Africa has attained this level of world class civilisation. We must feel enviable and wish that the rest of the continent reaches this level of achievement in the not-too-distant future. We cannot afford to be thin-skinned and turn violent in the face of the opposition's criticism, however unfair it is. Opposition parties are not enemies. Ruling parties are not enemies. They are opponents with different programmes. They want to win badly. In the process of an election they can use many tactics, which may not all be ethical. But as long as the right to reply is not denied, there is no reason to turn this into a violent engagement. From South Africa, the rest of Africa can learn this important lesson. The sooner the better for Africa’s democratic and united future.

LESSONS FOR ETHIOPIA AND THE REST OF AFRICA

Nearly all the pettiness and below-the-belt attacks that often trigger violence in elections in other parts of Africa (such as, for example, in Kenya, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia) also took place in South Africa. But remarkably South Africa’s election did not degenerate into violence. Other countries wishing to undergo elections in Africa must learn from South Africa with humility. What is it is that made the South Africans prevent violence when it looked as though violence would come?

Ethiopia for example is due to have an election in 2010. It is important that both the incumbent party and the opposition learn from and even invite South Africans to help level out tricky moments during Ethiopia's election process. After all, for us Ethiopians the success of South Africa is like our own success. That is how we must feel, think, act and behave in relation to the South African achievement. Hopefully South Africans would also share the same sentiment that success in elections in other parts of Africa is also their own success. They too must feel, think, behave and act to get Africa moving forwards around knowing how to manage elections after half a century of post-colonial freedom. All communities in South Africa should share success with the rest of Africa. Democracy in South Africa is to be celebrated, but to sustain itself the rest of Africa must be democratic and collectively turn into a grand area of African democracy.

If South Africa can do it so well after half a generation of post-apartheid colonial freedom, how is it that much of Africa cannot do it after half a century of freedom from colonialism? It is even more surprising to consider that Ethiopia – the continent's oldest country and which has been at the forefront of the liberation from colonialism in the African imagination from the 15th to the 20th centuries – is still unable to run free and fair elections where results are uncontested. Is Ethiopia's 2005 election going to repeat itself in 2010?

If Ethiopia succeeds in running a free and fair election, history will move forward with hope and possibilities for the future of the country and Africa as a whole. But if Ethiopia fails to run such an election, history will repeat itself or even move further backwards, exacting a high cost on the future of the country's people and indeed Africa at large.

If 2010 is going to be like 2005 in Ethiopia, the country will once again be confronted with an electoral aftermath of death and tears. The election needs to be well managed beforehand – and there is still more than a year to get it right – and all efforts from all concerned must be deployed to make sure that 2005's outcome is never repeated. The cost of a repeat of the 2005 election in 2010 is just too much to bear thinking about. History must not repeat itself. It must move forwards with hope and the possibility of a bright future for all.

On the one hand, all efforts must be made for citizens to express their citizenship rights, and on the other, all the tricks from the ruling party to create a climate for citizen disengagement through spreading fear, arrests, tricks, blackmail and intimidation must be opposed. If the latter situation prevails over the former, Ethiopian citizens will probably be unlikely to vote. They will disengage from civic expression and involvement. Citizens withdrawing and finding politics dirty and spurious are the worst thing that can happen to any society. A ruling party that drives its citizens to withdraw from the public sphere is indeed doing a historic disservice to its society, people, nation and Africa as a whole. De-citizen-ising society by spreading fear and threats through the secret service and police, arresting opposition leaders on clumsy charges (such as giving an inaccurate interview to an Ethiopian–Swedish diaspora radio station, as happened to Birtukan Mideska) and creating unjust regulatory hurdles is likely to create a long-term cost to Ethiopian society and indeed wider Africa. The price of such a defeat for democracy is incalculable for Ethiopia.

Both regimes and opposition must desist from using the ethnic card, from using the politics of blackmail and from inferiorising particular communities while superiorising others. These are tactics that are only likely to sow the seeds of long-term mistrust and the prevention of social-capital construction. Social-capital cannot be built with ethnic and vernacular fragmentation. It is built with the expression of an integral Ethiopian-African citizenship and engagement in public life. The freedom of the citizen must not be subtracted. It must be consolidated by enjoying human rights, housing rights, jobs, education, health and public services. Integrated political, social, economic and cultural citizenship engagement in Ethiopia’s possibly emerging vibrant public life is much needed to get a society to unite together to undertake the difficult problems of overcoming underdevelopment in the country.

It is disingenuous for a government to say that the rate of economic growth is above 7 per cent and that this should be used to justify closing the democratic space! It is also equally disingenuous to use the developmental state to deny free democratic expression. A developmental state can also be democratic. South Africa is again the example for combining a developmental state with democracy.

It is equally important to know economic growth is not economic development. Economic growth made by exporting a few commodities such as coffee, flowers, leather or through constructing houses is not the same as changing the lives of the people. It is about solving problems in relation to food, jobs (especially youth employment), education, health, water, housing and public services that matter above all else. It is about not creating a rent-seeking political elite with its hands in the economy. Democracy, the rule of law, the separation of powers, free press and association – and not treating criticism with fear but with encouragement, even if it is sometimes unfair – are important to learn and embed as a culture and norm in the Ethiopian context. Here South Africa is a great example for Ethiopia to learn from as well.

What is extraordinary about South Africa is the presence of a high level of citizenship engagement and the extent to which the political process encourages rather than discourages citizens to enjoy expressing their rights, their choices, their voices and their votes. One has a single vote no what matter their class, race, gender or religion. This person enjoys exercising their franchise. Despite the existence of different identities along the lines of language, race and religion, there is one South African citizen identity.

POINTS OF CONCLUSION

It is hugely embarrassing to run elections in Africa and come out with violence and death as collateral damage from the very often rigged, unfair and unjust elections. Any lesson that can be drawn from successful elections in Africa, such as that which we saw in South Africa, must be promoted. Ways must be found to use such successes to replicate and create more successes in the rest of Africa.

When opposition and rulers cannot play the democratic game well, the latest formula on the block is the so-called national unity coalitions in places like Kenya and Zimbabwe. This new development is a stop-gap measure invented when those who enter the electoral game are unwilling to concede defeat or accept the victory of the opposition. It is a formula that puts opposition and ruling parties, who often loathe each other, together. It is created because the players are not respecting the very game they entered in the first place. They expect to win; when they lose, they find it difficult to concede. It may be useful to prevent bloodshed, but it certainly will not help to govern a country and carry out both economic and social development without the parties becoming embroiled in endless arguments through these contrived national unity regimes. The parties must learn that losing is at times even more respectable than winning. This culture must be embedded in their values. They can prepare and always try to come back, and they can return. They must not say, 'It's now or never!'

We know that South Africa had to overcome intricate barriers and incredible odds to achieve this latest third election. The harder and more difficult the barriers it surmounted in the process, the greater its success in the eyes of the world. It is not a good argument to say that South Africa is different. The difficulties South Africans overcame are even greater than those which often exist elsewhere in Africa. What is different is the capability, maturity, the handling and the institutions that worked together to neutralise these difficulties, in the end bringing out results which represented a shining example to the rest of Africa. That is what is different; not the scale of the problems, but the difference in the maturity exhibited in dealing with these problems.

The rest of Africa must try to learn closely and humbly from South Africa about how to manage an exemplary peaceful, orderly, disciplined, non-violent and optimistic election where voters turn out with joy to express their citizenship engagement.

Finally, ordinary people in Africa should never be underestimated. The African village is often poor and rural. It is often underestimated. But given the opportunity, African villagers choose intelligently and vote for the party that they know may address better their issues than other parties that do not. In South Africa rural voters are decisive in the election, as in other parts of Africa. It is the village that combines human possibility, solidarity and community and that has managed to survive against all obstacle with the ubuntu spirit.

The elites in Africa are mostly not a creative or democratic class. They are often self-seeking, not public-service seeking, but a rent-seeking elite. This is a class that prioritises rent-extraction over democratic and developmental achievement. Very often, elites try to commodify politics into private economic gain for themselves and their own families, local and foreign friends. This rent-seeking behaviour is buttressed strongly by the international aid system.

Countries like South Africa have much more independence than many other countries from this international aid system. There is thus a creative elite in South Africa, along perhaps with some rent-seekers. In the rest of Africa we have a serious problem of rent-seeking behaviour overshadowing creative, venturesome, risk-taking, innovative and entrepreneurial behaviour. There is thus a need to work hard to change the rent-seeking elite into creative, democratic, innovative, venturesome and developmental elite to establish democracy and unite Africa.

That work must be done by enlisting ordinary people’s power, and by harnessing the power of example provided by the great success of the third South African election. The rest of Africa must learn from South Africa, and South Africa should be prepared to share the secret of its extraordinary successes with the rest of Africa.

* Mammo Muchie is the chairperson of the Network of Ethiopian Scholars (NES) and a professor at Aalborg University.
* Please send comments to [email protected] or comment online at http://www.pambazuka.org/.