cc Chachage explores whether nationals of a country ought to have the option of dual citizenship, in the third and final part of

cc Chambi Chachage explores when and how ‘subjects' become ‘citizens’, in the second part of

cc Chambi Chachage explores when and how ‘settlers’ or ‘natives’ become ‘citizens’, in the first of a series of three articles exploring the idea of dual citizenship with reference to Tanzania. Definitions of citizenship in modern nation-states in ‘societies other than Euro-American ones’ were influenced by how the notion developed in Euro-America and how it was ‘selectively applied in the Africa, Asia, Australia and Latin America in the context(s) of colonialism, imperialism and developmentalism,’ Chachage argues. ‘It is this colouring that we need to unpack as we trace the historical and political trajectories and implications of the idea and praxis/practice of citizenship in Africa,’ says Chacage.

cc Chambi Chachage doesn’t hate America, he actually loves it ‘a lot’. It ‘could be a model for deracialising the continents’, Chacage believes, as ‘probably the only habitable continent for humans that is not really seen as a continent that belongs to a particular “race”.’ But says Chachage, America is also haunted by what President Obama describes as the 'original sin of slavery and racism', epitomised by the Atlantic slave trade and the genocide of native Americans. Chacage concludes that what he feels is actually what historian Colin Legum describes as a ‘disappointed love’ – the colonised ‘believe there has been no proper recognition of, nor retribution for, the injury of colonialism’, while the colonisers ‘feel let down because Africa has not lived up to the expectations of European liberal values.’

 The debate on how to unite African states has not changed significantly since Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere locked horns on the matter in the early 1960s, writes Chambi Chachage. Exploring Nyerere’s ‘step by step’ approach to building African unity in relation to Nkrumah’s desire to ‘fast track’ the creation of a Unites States of Africa, Chachage concludes that while Nkrumah’s Pan-African vision remains powerful, his approach is unrealistic even today.’ ‘To that end, I will feel with Nkrumah, yet I shall think with Nyerere’, he writes, ‘Africa must unite, albeit pragmatically’.

Thank you for an insightful brief [http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/46555]. As far as our criticism of the report's apparent "lack of a gender analysis, and narratives (not just descriptions) of how mining operations are devastating lives in local communities" is concerned, I think we should consider the report's disclaimer below and consult its accompanying report: "There are several further concerns about the impact of the mines on local people - notable in the area of human rights, displacement to make way for the mines and environmental pollution.

These issues lie beyond the scope of this report, which focuses on tax and economic impacts, and are instead considered in an accompanying report, Not All That Glitters is Gold: How Tanzania's Mining Boom Has Impoverished Communities, Violated Rights and Degraded the Environment"(page 43). Where can we get hold of this accompanying report?