MEDIA MONITORING PROJECT ZIMBABWE
MEDIA UPDATE # 2001/46
12 - 18 NOVEMBER 2001

1. SUMMARY
2. NKALA’S MURDER
3. FOLLOW UP ON ELECTORAL ACT AMENDMENTS
4. COMMENTS FROM SUBSCRIBERS

1. SUMMARY

ZANU PF’s propaganda in the state media plumbed unprecedented
depths during the coverage of the murder of Cain Nkala, the
Bulawayo war veteran’s leader. The state media exposed their total
disregard for the general standards and ethics of journalism to
churn out inflammatory hate speech reminiscent of the hate radio
before and during the genocide in Rwanda. ZANU PF officials and
war veterans were quoted describing the opposition, as ‘terrorists’
or the ‘enemy’.

The media should report cases where authorities incite violence,
but they have a particular responsibility to analyse such
statements and to expose the negative impact they may have. In
the state media no comment was cited from the MDC, who were
said to be implicated in the murder and vilified throughout the
coverage. Nor was there any comment from Nkala’s wife.

However, what was more disturbing during the coverage is that
journalists from the state media, who are supposed to be
watchdogs of such ills, seemed to be conniving with the authorities
in maligning the opposition. Footage of Nkala’s exhumation and
pictures of another ZANU PF supporter Limukani Luphahla who
was allegedly burnt to death by MDC supporters last month were
repeatedly shown on ZTV with the apparent intention of provoking
anger and hatred for the opposition. The state media went on to
trample on the right of the accused to remain innocent until the
courts prove them guilty.

The coverage left no doubt that there is an urgent need for
alternative broadcasters who can objectively inform the citizens of
this country and dispel poisonous information that the Zimbabwean
citizens have been subjected to on a daily basis.

Such kind of propaganda probably erodes the credibility of those
media houses loyal to the ZANU PF government in the eyes of
most of their audience. But they may play a direct role in inciting
violence among a minority of the public. The publication of
maliciously fictitious reports for the purpose of inciting violence
goes beyond mere bad journalism. As the International Criminal
Tribunal on Rwanda has shown in recent judgements, it crosses
the line into criminal behaviour.

2. NKALA’S MURDER

Before Nkala’s body was discovered, ZBC (12/11, 8pm) reported
that five people had been arrested in connection with the abduction.
However, there were no names given and the police were not
challenged on why they were not providing the names of the
arrested. There was no analysis as to why the arrested had been
incarcerated for more than forty-eight hours without trial and clear
charges laid against them as stipulated by law. Reuben Barwe, the
ZBC Chief correspondent, merely stated (ZTV, 12/11), “…no
police could comment…” on why the five did not appear in court.

Barwe stated that someone asked him why he was so interested in
Nkala’s death when there had been many others before who were
not given the same attention. In a stunning response that exposed
the broadcaster’s myopic news selection he said, “…I told him, if
you mean those people who died probably before I started
reporting or when I was in Harare, I didn’t hear about them…”

However, Barwe appears to have had no difficulty learning of the
discovery of Nkala’s body while in Harare.

In the same report, Clifford Sibanda, a war veteran, was quoted
saying, “We are soldiers. As soldiers we will have to defend
ourselves…I must assure you that they will start crying when
we hit back…”

Instead of subjecting this inflammatory statement to scrutiny,
Barwe went on to buttress this claim by quoting Vice President
Joseph Msika: “If people are itching for violence, then they will
get violence.” Coming from a national leader such utterances
were highly irresponsible but were not subjected to any analysis.

ZBC (radio, 13/11, 4pm) broke the news on the discovery of
Nkala’s body. ZTV carried the report in its evening vernacular and
8pm bulletins. For the first time in many years, ZTV viewers
witnessed police interrogating suspects live on camera. Audiences
were told that the two suspects, who are said to be MDC
supporters, had “voluntarily” agreed to tell the police where they
buried Nkala in an attempt to dispel any reservations that they
might have been forcibly coerced into submission. Also, viewers
were shown the exhumation of the body without prior warning to
those viewers of nervous disposition. Assistant Commissioner
Oliver Mashonganyika, ZANU PF Bulawayo Chairman Jabulani
Sibanda and Home Affairs Minister John Nkomo used the occasion
to shower the police with praises for a job well done - despite the
fact that in more than a year they have still not found Patrick
Nabanyama, the MDC polling agent who was abducted last year.

The Bulawayo ZANU PF chairman who was present at the scene
continued with threats, “…That is terrorism and we are going to
fight it… Politically, militarily, whichever way. We have got the
right as a people to defend ourselves. And I have got a right to
mobilize my people in my province against terrorism and that
I am going to do”.

Some war veterans’ executive members, Joseph Chinotimba,
Patrick Nyaruwata, Agrippa Gava and Endy Mhlanga and three
Harare residents were also quoted denouncing the murder of Nkala.

Barwe went further to ask Minister Nkomo (ZTV, 13/11, 8pm)
leading questions. “…Could you infer that this was done in a
military fashion because shoe strings really don’t kill people?”
Barwe asked.

This was the cue for the minister to trot out his conspiracy theory
to explain the murder, saying, “…this is an operation very
reminiscent of what the Selous Scouts used to do and we can
read and see very clearly a similar pattern in this particular
area”.

Borrowing from Jabulani Sibanda, Minister Nkomo also described
the murder as an act of “terrorism” and said, “…If it means going
into a cave to fish out that fellow we are going to do it” –
presumably a deliberate echo of US President George W. Bush’s
plan to get Osama bin Laden.

However, there were a number of questions surrounding the issue
that remained unanswered in the coverage. For instance the
audiences were not told why the police had to invite a pathologist
all the way from Harare as if there were none in Bulawayo.

Exhibits of evidence, such as the money found with the suspects,
the truck used and AK rifles, which were reportedly used during the
abduction, were missing in the report. And no reporter from the
ZBC sought such information from the police.

It all looked like a well-staged tragic drama, as the other ZBC
reporter Tapfuma Machakaire was there to film Mashonganyika
delivering the sad news to the family.

Notably, ZBC failed to get a comment from Nkala’s wife who was
the main witness in the case. Her description of the abduction
would presumably have been relevant in identifying those
responsible.

While other media reported that Nkala’s body was found on
Tuesday, The Herald (14/11) reported that Nkala had been found on
Monday. No clarification was made. Police spokesman Wayne
Bvudzijena set the tone for the government press when he told The
Herald (14/11) that “Police have established strong leads which
could implicate some opposition politicians. The kidnap was
political and some senior persons of the MDC in Bulawayo
could be arrested.” ZIMPAPERS simply took the statement to
mean that the opposition had committed the crime even before
they were tried in the courts. Thereafter ZIMPAPERS maintained
and reinforced this link, and ignored all the principles of crime
reporting by sentencing the MDC ahead of the courts. Once
charges were brought, the case became sub judice, apparently
putting The Herald in contempt of court.

It was left to The Daily News (14/11) to give the MDC side of the
story. It quoted the MDC secretary-general, Welshman Ncube,
denying that his party was responsible. As has become the norm,
police spokesman Bvudzijena reportedly “parried” questions from
the private daily, but gave an interview to the public press. In the
same article, reference was made to Vice-President Joseph
Msika’s earlier threats of a ”bloodbath” and war veterans’ requests
for guns to track down perpetrators.

The discovery of Nkala’s body resulted in the attacks on MDC
supporters’ houses in Bulawayo (ZBC, 14/11, 8pm). In an attempt
to justify the attack, the reporter stated that people who were
angered by the murder of Nkala conducted the attack. None of the
“people” have been arrested for the attack.

In the same bulletin, war veteran Andrew Ndlovu said, “…Now we
have realized that it (MDC) is a terrorist party and we feel…that
the MDC must be banned with immediate effect”.

Mashonganyika was also quoted stating that the arrested suspects
would be charged with terrorism under the Law and Order
Maintenance Act (LOMA), a colonial law that was used against the
nationalists during the liberation struggle.

The Herald (15/11) reported, in passing, the subsequent violence
which resulted in destruction of three houses belonging to MDC
supporters, in Bulawayo under a misleading headline “MDC MP
flees”. The Herald claimed that the MP, Fletcher Dulini-Ncube,
whom police named as a suspect, had fled. No attempt was made
to seek any comment from the MDC to substantiate the claim,
leaving the impression that he was responsible for the crime and
evading arrest.

The same article stated, “members of the public reacted to the
kidnapping and murder of Cde Nkala”, in an attempt to mask
the identity of the perpetrators of violence. Surprisingly, the
Bulawayo-based Chronicle did not report the violence – perhaps
because its readers would know who had initiated it – and merely
reported on the court appearances of the suspects, a story also
carried by The Herald.

The Daily News (15/11) reported the violence under the headline
“Terror in Bulawayo” and blamed “suspected” Zanu-PF and war
veterans. An MDC councillor whose house was demolished
corroborated the story. The article linked the violence to earlier
inciting statements by Vice-President Msika and the war veterans’
leadership. In the same story, it was revealed that the MDC
suspects were denied access to their lawyers and relatives and
that some were held in police detention for seven days, contrary to
the constitutional stipulation that a suspect should be brought to
court within forty-eight hours of arrest.

The same issue of the Daily News reported that two MDC officials,
accused of being responsible for the abduction of Nkala, were
abducted in Chitungwiza by suspected war veterans. The paper
followed up the story on Saturday (17/11) announcing that one of
the abducted was recuperating in a Chitungwiza hospital after
being assaulted. The patient was quoted as saying that he and his
colleague had been taken to Highlands police station where they
were forced to write statements about their lives and their party
structures before being taken to Harare Central Police where they
were tortured. The public press ignored the story.

In an apparent response to the “MDC MP flees” story, The Daily
News (16/11) reported a statement issued by MDC secretary-
general, Welshman Ncube, who denied that the MP had fled. He
said Dulini-Ncube had attended a Parliamentary Committee
meeting and another meeting at the party’s offices in Harare and
that his lawyers had arranged with the police to meet at the police
station on Thursday (15/11). Ncube was quoted questioning the
credibility of ZIMPAPERS saying, “It is clear therefore that The
Herald and The Chronicle editors who are slaves to the Zanu
PF election strategy have no intention whatsoever to write any
truth about the MDC.”

Nevertheless, The Herald (16/11) was unrelenting. Under a front-
page headline “MDC MP arrested” it played down the fact that
Dulini-Ncube handed himself to police and maintained “He had
been on the run since Tuesday…”

The Herald editorial philosophy on the matter was epitomised by
Phillip Magwaza, the political editor of the paper in highly
sensational articles titled “MDC reliving the Nazi era” (14/11) and
“Nkala prayed for his captors” (16/11). However, it was the latter
article that exposed how scribes can suspend all standards of
journalism just to toe the line. The writer gave what purported to be
an eyewitness account of the murder, starting from “minutes
before” his death through the whole process of his execution to his
burial in a shallow grave. He detailed what Nkala said to his
captors, his prayers, and how he was killed. The article
blasphemously likened Nkala’s death to that of Jesus Christ. No
source was attributed to the information, suggesting that the author
was an eyewitness who was present when Nkala was murdered. In
reality the article appears to have been fictitious from start to finish.

Doubtlessly, the thrust of the report was not to clear the mystery
behind the murder, but to rouse emotional discontent primarily
against the MDC and whites. But in doing so the writer was not
sympathetic to the emotional damage such reportage would inflict
on the family of the deceased. The report claimed, without
substantiation, that the MDC had been trying to exterminate war
veterans for some time, including “attempts” on the late war
veterans leader, Chenjerai Hunzvi. Part of the article read “But as
the events unfold, it is no surprise that the terrorist plan to
abduct and kill Cde Nkala was hatched way back in February.”
In blatant contempt of court, it gratuitously concluded, “The die is
cast. The heinous act has been committed and for the MDC to
try and absolve themselves under the guise of their members
being denied access to lawyers and a ploy to implicate their
member in a well-orchestrated plan by Zanu PF is wishful
thinking that can only convince the most naïve.”

The sister paper, The Sunday Mail (18/11) followed the Herald
using strikingly similar alarmist and rabble-rousing sensational
language. The political editor of that paper, Munyaradzi Huni,
copying his colleague Magwaza, reproduced a chunk about
Nkala’s last prayers: “And like a humble man he was, he
pleaded with the terrorists to let him pray. When he prayed he
did not only pray for himself. He prayed for his killers so that
God could forgive them and lastly he asked God to look after
his family.”

Like The Herald, The Sunday Mail reported that Nkala shouted for
help and fought back “viciously” before he was overpowered.
Constant reference was made to “The Struggle” or “Third
Chimurenga” to arouse nationalistic zeal. Huni reiterated that
MDC was to blame for the act, and were referred to as “terrorists.”
The article made reference to unrelated MDC officials’ pending
court cases to give credence that the party is a “terrorist”
organisation. In an alarmist fashion, the author then added “The
whisper that is going around the country now is: ‘How safe are
we? Will the terrorists strike again?’ One hopes not.” Two
boxed short articles, “He’s rabidly against govt” and “Once a racist
always a racist” denigrating MDC legislators David Coltart and Roy
Bennet, were also juxtaposed inside the main story.
Huni’s article also reported that Coltart and Bennet, both MDC
MPs, were members of the colonial British South African Police
(BSAP). Copies of the certificates of services and a photograph of
Coltart were attached as proof. The intention was to invoke hatred
against those who were directly involved with the former colonial
institutions.

It was clear that the state media was not prepared to tell the public
the truth in its coverage of violence that erupted in Bulawayo and
Kadoma.

The state broadcaster (radio & ZTV, 6pm and 8pm, 16/11) gave
emphasis to the burning down of a building owned by ZANU PF
acting National Commissar Dr. Sikhanyiso Ndhlovu and ZANU PF
supporters’ houses. The chronology of events was presented in a
way that implicated MDC as perpetrators. In an attempt to cover up
for the violence started by the war veterans during their so-called
peaceful march, Tapfuma Machakaire, ZBC Bulawayo Bureau
Chief, stated, “Although party leaders tried by all means to
control the angry crowd, the march was not without
incidents”.

What he meant by “incidents” was violent attacks by war veterans
who stoned cars on the streets of Bulawayo. This was shown to
ZTV viewers, making it clear who the perpetrators were. After this
unrest only MDC suspects were arrested and no war veterans.

ZBC Mashonaland West Bureau Chief Douglas Rinemhota reported
(radio and ZTV, 6 &8pm, 16/11) that MDC supporters had attacked,
unprovoked, ZANU PF supporters who were peacefully
demonstrating in memory of Nkala. ZTV viewers were shown burnt
houses belonging to ZANU PF supporters. Again only MDC
supporters were arrested.

Minister Nkomo was invited to the studio on ZTV, for the second
time, to comment on the murder of Nkala and subsequent violence.
Nkomo reiterated his earlier statements that the murder of both
Nkala and Luphahla were “acts of terrorism” and blamed the
MDC, which was not accorded any platform to state its side of the
story.

This overt bias on the part of the ZBC left no doubt that the aim of
the broadcaster was not to inform the public objectively but to
misrepresent facts to discredit and incite violence against the
opposition.

The Daily News (17/11) only reported the Bulawayo incident and
blamed the war veterans for starting the violence. The paper gave
the impression that the MDC youths only acted in retaliation. On
the other hand, The Herald of the same day reported the violence in
both Bulawayo and Kadoma but narrowed it down to the
destruction committed by MDC supporters. In an apparent attempt
to exonerate ZANU PF and its militia of war veterans the public
press flagship stated:

“Meanwhile, criminal elements in the opposition MDC went on
orgy of violence in vain attempt to burn down evidence at
their party’s office in Bulawayo”.

This was also mentioned on ZBC (16/11, 6 & 8pm)

To support these unsubstantiated claims, the Herald sought the
police comment for corroboration. The article went on to state that
the move “follows unsuccessful attempts by senior MDC
officials in Bulawayo to poison suspects who are already in
custody” and that the police have stopped allowing the suspects
to get food from outside the complex. This was merely used to
defend the unlawful decision taken by the police to deny suspects
their right to access their lawyers and relatives.

When Cain Nkala’s body arrived in Harare on Saturday (17/11),
there were reports of violence in the city. Again, the state media
blamed the opposition for the violence and denied it the right of
reply.

The Zimbabwe Independent (16/11) reportage on the matter was
reticent. It carried a straight court report without speculation and
reported that Dulini-Ncube had handed himself to the police.
The Standard (18/11) scored a first by including a component that
had been missing in the media: the Nkala family’s voice. The report
quoted an array of sources: relatives, neighbours, and a war
veteran, who understandably preferred anonymity given the nature
of the case at hand. The sources exonerated the MDC and blamed
the death on in-fighting within Zanu PF. One neighbour was quoted
saying he had heard Nkala calling out the names of his abductors,
a fact partly corroborated in both The Herald and The Sunday Mail
reports. The weekly also carried a comment that listed some of the
loopholes in the case and concluded that Zanu PF was
responsible. Particularly, it queried why the suspects were denied
access to their lawyers and why Msika promised a “bloodbath”
before the discovery of the corpse.

The Zimbabwe Mirror (16/11) carried MDC President Morgan
Tsvangirai’s condemnation of the murder but distanced his party
from the killing. The Mirror also had an analytical and objective
opinion piece in its Behind the Words column, which gave three
possibilities on who could be responsible for the murder without
specifically blaming it on anyone. The Financial Gazette (15/11)
made reference to Nkala’s murder in an opinion article in which this
and other deaths were blamed “squarely on Mugabe, his
government and the ineffectual Chihuri.”

President Robert Mugabe capped a week characterised by his
party’s inflammatory and inciteful statements during the burial of
Nkala at the National Heroes’ Acre. In his highly inflammatory
speech (ZTV, 18/11, 11am & 8.30pm), the President threatened
the opposition and warned that the MDC’s days were numbered.
He further went on to allege that the British government was
supporting terrorism. During his speech, ZTV viewers were shown
placards carried by ZANU PF supporters with messages such as:
“Kill the Terrorists” and “Beware of MDC shoelaces”, to
complement the President’s venomous tirade.

3. FOLLOW UP TO THE ELECTORAL ACT

The private press exposed what it regarded as the government’s
intention to rig the elections through its amendment of the Electoral
Act. The public press, which simply endorsed the amendment last
week, ignored the issue this week.

In its comment The Daily News (12/11) observed that confinement
of postal votes to uniformed forces, as required by the amendment,
will give ZANU PF a chance to add votes to its advantage. It also
raised concern over the exclusion of Zimbabwean residents outside
the country who have been “virtually banned” from voting as they
are required to produce travel documents and bills to prove they
have lived in constituencies for a continuous period of 12 months. It
concluded that because the Act gives ZANU PF an unfair
advantage and allowed rigging in the absence of impartial eyes it
was therefore “criminal.”

Another opinion piece, which appeared in the Daily News (13/11),
declared that international monitors and observers, who under the
new Act could be excluded, would foster transparency. The writer
asked, “Why has the government suddenly become so
paranoid about this particular presidential election…?
Someone must explain how 24 000 monitors and observers
can undermine our sovereignty.”

The Financial Gazette (15/11) claimed that under the proposed
amendments, the government intelligence arm, the CIO, had been
drafted into election monitoring and voter education under the guise
of civil servants. However, the authenticity of the claim was
compromised by use of an unnamed government source. The
Financial Gazette also featured a widely sourced report under a
headline, “Mugabe tunes law to rig election”. Tarcey Zimbiti, the
director of the Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace was
quoted saying, “The new laws will prevent many people
suspected of supporting the opposition from voting on one
hand while on the other they will effectively prevent those
permitted to vote from receiving adequate information and
knowledge about their right to vote for whomever they wish.”

Another source, Bishop Peter Hatendi, was also quoted saying the
ESC could not be independent because it lacked resources and
because it fell under the Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs
minister. The Minister, Patrick Chinamasa, is the architect and
advocate of the new Act. Prof Eliphas Mukonoweshuro, an
academic, was quoted saying “But any government coming out
of such a blatantly rigged election process will not be
recognised by Zimbabweans, let alone by the civilised world,
and one wonders how long such a government could last.”
The report also alluded to a dubious voter education being
conducted by the Registrar-General’s office, which is only targeting
rural areas and resettlement schemes, Zanu PF strongholds, whilst
ignoring the urban centres where the opposition enjoys popular
support. The Gazette also had a comment on the issue.

The Zimbabwe Mirror reported the amendment under the headline,
Opposition threatens court action over proposed amendment to
Electoral Act, and quoted an array of voices condemning the
government move.

4. FROM OUR SUBSCRIBERS

A RESPONSE TO BEN MAHAKA
By Dixe Wills, Writers in Prison Committee, International PEN

I feel compelled to write a note in response to Mr. Ben Mahaka's
attack on MMPZ published in Media Update # 2001/44.

As Mr Mahaka points out at length, impartiality in the media in
Zimbabwe is a rare enough commodity but, as one who reads the
MMPZ's bulletins from outside the country (I'm based in the UK), I
can only say that, with occasional exceptions, I have found them to
be the most objective view I have come across in Zimbabwe and a
welcome relief from the barrage of propaganda all too often
masquerading as news.

It is noteworthy that Mr Mahaka does not give a single example of
alleged bias to back up his argument, thus casting a shadow over
any claims he himself might have of objectivity.
It is incumbent on us all to be vigilant in order to monitor the
monitors, so to speak, for which I commend Mr Mahaka. I only
think that on this occasion, his concerns are wide of the mark.

GET PUBLISHED!
By Elsiha Maricho, Project Officer, SAT Programme, Harare

I have been following this posting for sometime now. I suggest that
its time it got published as a weekly column in newspapers. It will
provide a different perspective to the one by ZBC TV. It is most
likely that it is only the independent media that might accept it. I
like the objectivity.

INCITEMENT TO VIOLENCE
I note the increase in "hate" language and incitements to violence.
Is it possible for MMPZ to begin a numerical count by type of
language (race, ethnicity, etc) and include in your weekly report?
Keep up the good work!

MORE ON HATE LANGUAGE

By Rasheat Mukundu, Harare, Zimbabwe

The analysis in this week's report did not mention the violence that
took place in Bulawayo and its relation with the Nkala murder. I feel
that the murder is preparation for more violence as we drift towards
the 2002 Presidential Election. Media reports from the state media
(ZBC and ZIMPAPERS) also, more than anything else, are meant
to incite people, encourage hatred and violence. The use of
language using words such as enemy, terrorist, etc is xenophobic
and illegal in a normal democracy.

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